Dalits – Page 3

Development and Dalits: Political Scenario In New Delhi

January 23, 2015 by Nasheman

by Rahul Sonpimple

Once again Delhi is getting ready for political battle of the throne. This time all parties seem well informed about the present political scenario in the city and are taking calculated steps to influence all sections of voters, as the last assembly elections have been an eye opening episode. Dalit votes in the city are estimated to be around 25 lakhs, a significant fraction to change the game and ensure a soothing end for any political contender.

Interestingly, all major political parties after the last assembly election in the city seem to be widening their pool of political considerations for Dalits, since majority of the population lives in severe vulnerability and are placed at the receiving end. This election will also be marked by the absence of any strong non-Congress and non- BJP Dalit –Bahujan political party and leadership since many of them have either assimilated in the ruling party (BJP) or fail to influence the community’s views anymore. For instance the assimilation of Dalit leaders like Udit Raj in BJP and the weakening hold of BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) in city politics . With such an absence of leadership from within the community, parties like BJP and AAP effectively cash in on the opportunity to attract the community’s votes with their developmental agendas.

While AAP is promising to modernize the cleaning equipments, BJP is venturing to disclaim its image of being a party of upper caste Hindus. With the old rhetoric on inclusive development as Congress has done in the past, both BJP and AAP are claiming to offer a development for Dalits within the larger developmental agenda of the city. However, none of them has outlined how they will execute these promises. Although AAP and BJP both claim to be different from Congress, their strategies to influence Dalit votes by using a Dalit face are similar to the success mantra of Congress.

Kanshi Ram, the founder of BSP, would refer to such Dalit leaders as ‘Chamchas’. At the first glance politics around Dalit voters in the city may seem similar to other parts of the country. However, the complete control of demands by political parties and no negotiation from the community, signals to the powerlessness of Dalits in Delhi, which may not be the case in states like Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. In the case of Dalits in Maharashtra, the creation of demands and political negotiations are not necessarily representative of political aspirations of leaders, rather very often they are a result of struggles led by the community and responses to the daily challenges. In the absence of any struggle or movement from the community, Dalit politics in Delhi completely rests in the clutches of a handful of political agents among Dalits and on mercy of NGOs .

The history of Dalit struggle has always been a struggle for self respect. Despite many re-formative attempts by caste Hindus to neutralize the struggle and retain Dalits in the Hindu fold, Dalits have always challenged such dubious intentions. For instance, in Punjab, young educated Dalits from the Chamar community had first been in the Arya Samaj, attracted by some of its ideals which held open the promise of purification (shuddhi) to the lower castes, they soon became disillusioned by the control of upper castes in the movement and rejected the paternalistic implication of shuddhi that untouchables needed to be ‘purified’. Later they started the Ad-Dharm movement. Moreover, such action, either by challenging caste hegemony or by religious conversion, against the attempts of liberal upper caste Hindus, has always been a part of Dalit history. As a result, acknowledging their struggle for separate socio-religious identity, distinct from Hinduism, has become a political compulsion for political parties.

This struggle has also been integrated in the larger political discourse. However, due to the lack of social movement from the community, recent development of discourse on Dalits in the Capital is colored by conservative notions of both the leading parties i.e. AAP and BJP. Whether it is Modi’s Swachch Bharat Mission launched from Valmiki Basti in New Delhi or Kejriwal’s ideas to give respect to the Dalits, both bear a resemblance to the conservative reformation which their ideologues had initiated in the past. For long, Dalit struggle has critiqued and countered such dubious efforts, however this is apparently not true in the case of recent political scenario in Delhi. In order to create a power of negotiation and a space for self realized demands, Dalits in the city should strive for a strong ideological mobilization and should limit the influence of political agents from community.

Rahul Sonpimple,
Programme officer (Dalit Rights Initiative),
Human Rights Law Network (HRLN)

Dalits angry as Bihar court acquits 24 accused in 1999 massacre

January 20, 2015 by Nasheman

Patna: Family members of the Dalits who were killed in 1999 in Bihar’s Arwal district, allegedly by activists of outlawed Ranvir Sena, are disheartened over the release of all the accused.

Additional District and Sessions Judge Raghvendra Kumar Singh of Jehanabad district civil court on 13 January acquitted 24 accused in Shankarbigha massacre case citing lack of evidence against them.

Etwaria Devi, in her late 50s, lost her husband Ganga Paswan and another relative Nanhu Paswan in the massacre of 22 Dalits on January 25, 1999, at Shankar Bigha village.

The surviving family members are not only upset and sad over the verdict, they are also angry and feel there is nobody to do them justice.

“There is no one to do justice to the poor like us. We have only pain and misery in our life,” said Etwaria Devi in a choked voice.

Another resident of the village, Rajmani Devi, whose husband, father-in-law, mother-in-law and sister-in-law were killed in the massacre, said: “Who cares for justice to the poor? We have lost hope. It is bad news for us that all accused were acquitted.”

Both of them said they have no hope left as money and muscle power of the powerful feudal forces were responsible for the gruesome incident.

Lakshman Ram, a village elderly, said most of the villagers were unhappy and angry over the court acquittal.

“The villagers are not ready to accept that the accused have been let off…,” said villager Ram, who also had lost a relative.

Outlawed Ranvir Sena men had allegedly killed 22 Dalits Jan 25, 1999, in Shankar Bigha village in Jehanabad. The Sena was a private army of landed upper caste Bhumihars.

The victims were landless agricultural workers and were all Dalits.

Police had filed an FIR against 29 accused in the case.

Shankar Bigha is located near Lakshmanpur-Bathe where the Ranbir Sena killed 61 agricultural workers belonging to backward communities in December 1997.

(With inputs from IndiaToday)

Discrimination against Dalits in giving Bharat Ratna: Mayawati

January 3, 2015 by Nasheman

“Kanshi Ram should have been honoured keeping in mind his sacrifices and contribution. Similarly, Jyotiba Phule, who belonged to a backward caste,” Mayawati said.

Lucknow: BSP supremo Mayawati today charged the NDA government with discriminating against Dalit icons like Kanshi Ram while awarding Bharat Ratna to Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Madan Mohan Malviya.

She also attacked the Narendra Modi government for adopting the “ordinance route” on key issues.

“Just like the previous Congress-led UPA government, the NDA government is adopting the same discriminatory attitude while honouring two persons of the same caste – Vajpayee and Malviya – with the Bharat Ratna recently,” she told a press conference here.

“Kanshi Ram should have been honoured keeping in mind his sacrifices and contribution. Similarly, Jyotiba Phule, who belonged to a backward caste, should have been given the award for his work in the field of education and efforts to establish equality in society,” she said.

“Many other deserving persons have been ignored,” she rued.

Taking exception to the Modi government adopting the ordinance route, Mayawati said this was not in keeping with the spirit of the Constitution.

Her remarks came against the backdrop of ordinance amending the Land Acquisition Act envisaging procuring land for industrial corridors, rural infrastructure, defence and housing, and insurance ordinance raising foreign investment limit in the sector to 49 per cent from 26 per cent, besides an ordinance to push coal auction.

On the land acquisition ordinance, she said it was against the interest of farmers. “I do not find it right…the amendments could have been brought in the next session of Parliament.”

(PTI)

Not in favour to give SC reservation to Christian and Muslim Dalits: Central govt

December 9, 2014 by Nasheman

Union Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment Thaawar Chand Gehlot

New Delhi: The Government today said it is not in favour of bringing Dalits of Christian and Muslim communities under the ambit of reservation for the Scheduled Castes.

Union Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment Thaawar Chand Gehlot said this during a discussion on a Bill to include more castes under SC category in four states and exclude one from it in Sikkim which was passed by the Parliament today.

“We are not agreeable to it,” Gehlot said referring to a demand by some members in the Upper House to include Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims in reservation for SCs.
Citing a case in the Supreme Court in this regard, the Minister said that discussions can happen based on its outcome.

Responding to demands from several parties on extending reservation in the private sector, Gehlot said this demand has been there for the last 15 years and it would be looked into.

Gehlot was replying to matters raised by members during the discussion on the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Orders (Amendment) Bill, 2014 which has been passed by the Lok Sabha earlier. Rajya Sabha also passed the Bill by a voice vote with most parties supporting it.

The Bill was first tabled in 2012 but lapsed after the previous Lok Sabha was dissolved and the BJP government introduced it August in Lok Sabha.

Gehlot sought to address members’ concerns, saying that diversion of funds from Scheduled Castes Special Component Plan is an important issue and such a practice is not desirable.

Earlier, in the discussion over the Bill, P L Punia (Congress) supported the legislation and said that the population of those in the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) has increased and the percentage of reservation should also be increased in the same proportion.

Punia advocated extending reservations for these sections in private sector as well as the judiciary.

AIADMK member K Arjunan sought to highlight the demand to include Dalit Christians in the list of Scheduled Castes. Husain Dalwai (Congress) sought reservation benefits for Dalit-Muslims saying discrimination on the basis of caste is not confined to only one religion.

Tarun Vijay (BJP) and D Bandyopadhyay (TMC) supported the Bill. Bandyopadhyay said that the Centre should bring out a comprehensive plan for the development of weaker sections adding that at present efforts only constitute disjointed schemes. Vishambhar Prasad Nishad (SP) and Anil Kumar Sahani (JD-U) also participated in the debate.

BJP member Nanda Kumar Sai demanded strict regulations to eliminate fake community certificates and recording the names of communities in officials records in Hindi and regional languages as well to avoid spelling mistakes.

Dilip Kumar Tirkey (BJD), D Raja (CPI), Ambeth Rajan (BSP), Chaudhary Munavvar Saleem (SP) were among those who shared their views.

(PTI)

Book Review: Kanshiram: Leader of the Dalits

December 4, 2014 by Nasheman

by Abhay Kumar

Not many political leaders of the twentieth century have so much changed the landscape of Indian politics as Kanshi Ram, a true mass leader, did. Born in a Ramdasia Chamar family in a village of Punjab, he struggled through his life with an aim of politically empowering the most deprived sections of society. Among his many achievements, ‘Manyawar’ as he was popularly called, succeeded in “installing” a Dalit woman to become the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh — politically the most crucial state of the country and citadel of Brahminism. Much of his eventful life has been portrayed in a political biography authored by the noted social historian and cultural anthropologist Badri Narayan.

The biography “Kanshiram: Leader of the Dalits”, comprising eight chapters, portrays his childhood, political journey beginning from Maharashtra to Uttar Pradesh as well as the political ideas. Moreover, the book also gives a brief account of the criticisms of Kanshi Ram and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

The author, who has spent decades in Uttar Pradesh both as a student and scholar and “closely followed” Kanshi Ram’s “journey”, mentions that all Dalits whom he interacted “acknowledged” Kanshi Ram had inculcated a strong sense of confidence and indemnity and self respect in them. The author, too, expresses his appreciation for Kanshi Ram whom he calls a “democrat to the core”. He, Badri Narayan goes on to say, was a “master strategist”, who brought Dalits, Adivasis, Backwards, and other religious minorities under the social category of ‘Bahujan’, making them “realise the value of their votes”, floating the BSP in1984 that represented freedom and respect and brought about social transformation in society.

Kanshiram: Leader of the Dalits, Author: Badri Narayan, Penguin India, New Delhi, 2014, pp. xxi + 265, Rs, 499.

The first chapter discusses his childhood. Born on March 15, 1934 in “relatively-well off” family, he had his early education in Government Primary School Milakpur, Punjab. Like most of the Dalit students he also faced discrimination at the hands of teachers. For example, at the school, a different pot for Dalits was kept to drink water. Yet another incident of caste discrimination that had deep impact on his life was when a senior officer mistreated and humiliated his father. Kanshi Ram recalled this incident. ‘Once, when I was a school student, my mother asked me to go and deliver food to my father who was performing a menial job (bagaar kar rahe the) at the Ropar Canal Guest House. I asked her what begaar meant and she replied that it meant serving the high-up officials, which we poor people were supposed to do. I took the food and set off for the guest house. It was intensely hot and when I reached the guest house I saw that my father was drenched in sweat. I could not bear to see his condition so I asked him to rest. But my father said that he could not do this as the senior officer was sleeping inside and he had to constantly tug the rope of the hand-pulled fan to keep him cool. Before electric fans, there used to be hand-pulled fans with long ropes and the rope-puller had to sit outside constantly working them to keep the fan moving. My father was doing that job in return for a small amount of money and explained that if he stopped pulling [the rope], the officer would wake up and punish him. I then told him to keep a small fan in his other hand to cool himself but my father said he would do no such thing.’ (pp. 17-18.)

Overcoming such barriers of caste, he continued to do well in study and kept his interests in sports as well. In 1956 he became a graduate in science from Government College, Ropar.

The second chapter discusses his foray into politics from the RPI (the Republican Party of India), founded by Ambedkar at the last stage of his life, and the BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation) to the BSP. The author has divided the political life of Kanshi Ram into four periods. The first phase began from (1958- 1964) when he, having completed his education, found a job in Poona and also got associated with the RPI. Moreover, he worked with the People’s Education Society, established by Ambedkar, with a mission to work for Dalits. The second phase (1964-1978) began when he quit the job in 1964 and joined the RPI which he later criticised for being fractions-ridden and overshadowing its “original objective”. The RPI drew his flak for entering into “opportunistic alliances” with the Congress in Maharashtra. As he became disillusioned with the RPI, he, in 1971, formed the SMCEA (SC/ST/OBC Minorities Communities Employees Association) in Poona, which was later renamed as the BAMCEF. The third Phase (1978-1984) began with the formation of the BAMCEF, which was established as a formal organisation on December 6, 1978. Preceded by the DS4 (Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) in 1981, the BAMSEF’s called upon its follower to “become educated, become consolidated and struggle”. The fourth phase (1984 onwards) is no doubt the most important phase of his political life during which the BSP emerged, epitomising the political rise of Bahujans.

The third chapter is based on Kanshi Ram’s book “The Chamcha Age: An Era of Stooges” (1982), which he published on the fiftieth anniversary of the Poona Pact 1932 when Gandhi blackmailed Ambedkar to sign a pact that he would give up on separate electorate for the depressed classes awarded by the British Government. In my view, the author fell short of critically engaging with the text, “Chamcha Age”. On many occasions the author inserts long quotations, disturbing the coherence, and flow of the text. It is to be noted that the purpose of Kanshi Ram to pen ‘Chamcha Age’ was to awaken the masses about the “genuine” and “counterfeit” leaders, who, according to him, have been born in the oppressed community but have been serving the interests of the oppressors. Comparing Ambedkar with Kanshi Ram, the author says that Ambedkar, unlike Kanshi Ram, called politics of emancipation of marginalized sections as a “Dalit Movement” (p. 93.) I think this may be seen as an anachronistic reading of Ambedkar as the term Dalit, according to noted anthropologist S. M. Michael (Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values, 2007, p. 16), was first used in 1931 and it “gained currency” with Dalit Panther Movement in the 1970s in Maharashtra.

The fourth chapter talks about how Kanshi Ram used subaltern culture, history, myths as political resources to build self-respect movement among Dalits and Backwards. For example, the BSP in order to mobilise Bahujans, constructed and popularised the subaltern icons such as Buddha, Kabir, Ravidas, Daria Sahib, Jagjivan Das, Jhalkaribai, Bijli Maharaj, Daldev Maharaj, Baaledeen, Veera Pasi, Mahamaya etc. While the author has done a fairly good job in analysing the cultural politics of Kanshi Ram, he mentions in passing a problematic paragraph about Guru Ravidas whom he interprets as a bulwark against “frantic” Muslims rulers who wanted to convert lower castes to Islam. According to Badri Narayan, ‘In addition, the Mughal rulers were frantically converting the lower castes to Islam through various allurements and temptations in order to expand their numbers and consolidate their position in India. Sant Ravidas, through his preaching, tried to reform Hindu society so that the lower castes were not tempted to convert to Islam and the Varna system was maintained,’(p. 121.) Unlike the myths and propagandas of the Hindu Right that the medieval period saw the forceful conversation of Hindu to Islam, many secular historians have largely agreed that the egalitarian ideology of Islam provided a relief to lower castes, who were suppressed by the Brahminical social order. Further, the author misquotes Kanshi Ram as saying that the number of castes in ST category, according to Mandal Commission Report, is 100 (p. 143.) In fact, it is 1000. Kanshi Ram (Cited in Anuj Kumar, ed., Bahujan Nayak Kanshiram ke Avismarniya Bhashan, 2000, p. 76), quoting the Mandal Commission Report, stressed the need to unite around 6000 castes, including1500 SC castes, 1000 ST castes and 3743 OBC castes.

The fifth chapter is about the BSP, its bid for power and the role of Kanshi Ram. The author rightly acknowledges Kanshiram’s ability to “sway and mobilize large crowds”, who realised that in democracy if the oppressed majority are made conscious of their votes the master key or Guru Killi, which Kanshi Ram would often call, can be seized. As he always spoke in people’s language, his concept of democracy is expressed in such a simple, yet profound way. “Lokshahi mein rani aur mehtarani ki keemat ek hi hoti hai”. (In a democracy the worth of a queen and [that] of a maid is the same, p. 165.). Kanshi Ram, departing with the radical armed struggles pursued by a section of communists, he, instead, mobilised the Bahujan through constitutional means and democratic processes.

The sixth, seventh and eighth chapters are a discussion of the criticism and limitation of Kanshi Ram and his party. For instance, he was alleged of indulging in “opportunism as a strategy”. For example, the BSP, according to his critics, welcomed “defectors” like Arif Mohammad Khan and Akbar Ahmed ‘Dumpy’, while it forged alliances with the BJP which it had opposed. ‘Kanshiram’, according to Badri Narayan, ‘faced the greatest flak in his political career over the BSP coming to power twice in UP with the support of the BJP.’ (p. 181.)

Despite some forces and merits in these criticisms, they tend to overlook the changes which were made by the BSP under the leadership of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The critics should not forget the constraint under which the BSP had to mobilise the most deprived sections of society to fight against oppressive social system. Apart from giving voice to voiceless and installing in them respect and confidence, Mayawati rule in UP has also brought about some concrete changes. Noted scholar Christophe Jaffrelot (‘The BSP in Uttar Pradesh: Whose Party is It?’ in S. M. Michael, ed., Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values, 2007, p. 262.) acknowledged this when he said that Ambedkar Village Scheme under her government, gave special funds to socio-economic development of village which has 50 per cent SC population in which all 25, 434 villages were included.

Conclusion

Before I close, let me show my reservation to the title of this book. Badri Narayan has not done justice to call Kanshi Ram a ‘Leader of Dalits”. It is paradoxical that while the author appreciates his contribution through the book for mobilising masses and transforming the society, he, nevertheless, reduces him to the margin and pins a label of Dalit on him. As far I know no biography of Jawaharlal Nehru has been published with a title or subtitle that describes him as a “leader of Brahmins”. May this prejudice against Kanshi Ram be seen as a continuation of the hegemonic discourse in mainstream social sciences that often reduces Phule, Periyar, Ambedkar, Iqbal etc. as those who are expressing the sectional interests while it eulogises leaders like Gandhi and Nehru as those fighting for national interests? Unfortunately, Badri Narayan forgets to take heed to the insight of the radical turn in social sciences that questions the very idea of “core” and “periphery”, “centre” and “region”, “national” and “regional”, “universal” and “sectarian” or “sectional” etc. The radical scholars ably have shown that any category is constructed through the language and power and the talk of universalism, therefore, is often secretly coded in favour of the sectional interests.

Apart from this, the author has not properly spelt the name of Kanshi Ram in both title and the text. Badri Narayan has spelt “Kanshiram” in a single word, while his name should have been spelt as Kanshi Ram. He could have avoided this mistake if he had verified this from Parliament website or the official website of the BSP or “Chamcha Age”, which he has discussed in the book.

Abhay Kumar (debatingissues@gmail.com) is doing Ph.D at Centre for Historical Studies, JNU.

Dalits have the least social protections and are highly vulnerable to severe forms of exploitation and modern slavery

November 24, 2014 by Nasheman

by Counterview

Australia-based Walk Free Foundation, in its new report, “The Global Slavery Index 2014”, has identified India as ranking fifth out of 167 countries of the world in severity of modern slavery. It defines modern slavery as involving “one person possessing or controlling another person in such as a way as to significantly deprive that person of their individual liberty, with the intention of exploiting that person through their use, management, profit, transfer or disposal.” Modern-day slaves, it adds, include children denied an education by being forced to work or marry early, men unable to leave their work because of crushing debts they owe to recruitment agents, and women and girls exploited as unpaid, abused domestic workers. The report estimates, there are 35.8 million people living in some form of modern slavery globally. This is what the report has to say about India:

*India’s Index rank: 5
*Estimated number of people in modern slavery: 14,285,700
*Government response to modern slavery: CCC
*Vulnerability to modern slavery: 56.7%
*Population: 1,252,139,596
*GDP (PPP): per capita (Int$) $5,410

Prevalence

India’s modern slavery challenges are immense. Across India’s population of over 1.2 billion people, all forms of modern slavery, including inter-generational bonded labour, trafficking for sexual exploitation, and forced marriage, exist. Evidence suggests that members of lower castes and tribes, religious minorities, and migrant workers are disproportionately affected by modern slavery. Modern slavery occurs in brick kilns, carpet weaving, embroidery and other textile manufacturing, forced prostitution, agriculture, domestic servitude, mining, and organised begging rings. Bonded labour is particularly prevalent throughout India, with families enslaved for generations. There are reports of women and children from India and neighbouring countries being recruited with promises of non-existent jobs and later sold for sexual exploitation, or forced into sham marriages.

Modern slavery: Top ten countries

In some religious groups, pre-pubescent girls are sold for sexual servitude in temples. Recent reports suggest that one child goes missing every eight minutes; it is feared that some are sold into forced begging, domestic work, and commercial sexual exploitation. Bangladeshis and Nepalese, particularly women and children, migrate to India in search of work. Young Nepali women banned from traveling to the Gulf for domestic work also pass through India as an alternative route. Some of these migrants then experience abuse and exploitation. Other migrants are fraudulently sent by recruiters to India to be transported to jobs in the Gulf, only to remain in India in positions of forced labour or commercial sexual exploitation.

Government Response

Given the scale and complexity of the response required in India, it is significant that the Indian Government has taken steps to better communicate key elements of its anti-trafficking response. In 2014, the Ministry of Home Affairs launched the ‘anti-trafficking portal’, which includes information on criminal justice statistics, anti-trafficking police units, government and law enforcement training, the anti-trafficking legislation, and reporting mechanisms, including the ChildLine hotline number. The portal does not appear to provide information about forced or bonded labour, which reflects a broader institutional separation between responses to bonded labour, which is the responsibility of the Department of Labour, and human trafficking, which is the responsibility of the Ministry of Justice. On paper, criminal justice reforms specific to human trafficking are the strongest component of India’s response to modern slavery.

In 2013, the government amended the Indian Penal code to include specific anti-trafficking provisions. In 2014, the government expanded the number of police anti-human trafficking units across the country to 215 units, aiming to establish a unit in 650 districts. The judiciary and over 20,000 law enforcement have received training on victim identification, the new legal framework, and victim-centered investigations. The government’s victim compensation scheme extends to human trafficking victims, however, the amount and efficiency of dispersal is largely dependent on the State administration, and is not available country-wide. Although bonded labour is criminalised, it is still a significant issue.

The government response to bonded labour is monitored by the National Human Rights Commission that reviews existing policies and practices, and provides training to district Magistrates, Deputy Commissioners, and other government officials. Reports suggest that most States are yet to implement the Supreme Court Order which required District Vigilance committees to undertake surveys to identify and release those in bonded labour, as already required by the Bonded Labour Act. The State of Karnataka is an exception and has made progress on the Order. Efforts need to be directed toward expanding and improving victim support services.

The Ujjawala project is a victim support programme that provides rescue, rehabilitation, and reintegration services for commercial sexual exploitation victims, and trafficking prevention initiatives. In addition, the SWADHAR GREH scheme provides temporary accommodation and rehabilitation services for women and girls, including survivors of trafficking. While government shelters are required to register, there are no standards attached to registration, and no inspections or followup. The shelters have limited facilities and resources to provide holistic support and are currently only available for women and girls. Of particular concern are reports of traffickers re-recruiting women into trafficking from shelters.

Indian police are beginning to collaborate with regional counterparts on transnational human trafficking investigations. In 2014, Indian and Bangladeshi police undertook a joint investigation to identify two Bangladeshi girls sold into commercial sexual exploitation in India. Both girls were found and successfully repatriated; the offenders are being prosecuted under new anti-trafficking provisions.

Vulnerability

Dalits have the least social protections and are highly vulnerable to severe forms of exploitation and modern slavery. The limited ability for people to move out of this group increases their vulnerability. Approximately 90 percent of India’s labourers are in the informal economy, presenting risks associated with a highly unregulated and unmonitored work environment. Women and girls face significant discrimination and high rates of sexual violence across India.

While Prime Minister Narendra Modi referred to a string of rapes as a national ‘shame’, and there has been a raft of legislative and criminal justice reforms signalling some progress, women are still at risk of sexual assault and domestic violence. The rates of forced and servile marriage continue to trap women and girls in cycles of domestic servitude with few opportunities for education, meaningful employment or access to reproductive rights. Indian migrant workers actively seek jobs in construction and care industries, primarily in the Gulf, Europe and North America. From 2012 to 2015, there were more people leaving India than arriving, with most migrants seeking work through their networks rather than formal channels.29 Official migration processes are complex and often tainted by corruption, which further encourages irregular migration. These channels leave migrants with little recourse against practices such as unilateral contracts, dangerous working and living conditions, limited movement and access to communications, withholding of passports and wages, and physical and sexual abuse.

Recommendations to Government

Ratify and implement the Convention of the Worst Forms of Child Labour and the Domestic Workers Convention.
Require all States to follow up on the Supreme Court Judgment of October 15, 2012, to identify and release those in bonded labour.
Update regulations and processes for the implementation of the Bonded Labour Act, and report on its implementation.
Implement a new National Action Plan that targets the full spectrum of modern slavery.
Continue to strengthen protections for victims of modern slavery and ensure that they are not criminalised. Victims must be protected (including protecting their identities) throughout the duration of their court cases.

Asaduddin Owaisi stresses on political empowerment of Muslims, says vote bank myth dead

November 12, 2014 by Nasheman

Hyderabad/INN: All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) president Asaduddin Owaisi on Tuesday stressed the need for increase in political representation of Muslim community in the elected bodies across the country.

Speaking in the ‘Meet the press’ programme organised by the Telangana Union of Working Journalists (TUWJ) at Basheerbagh Press Club here, Asaduddin Owaisi said that the community’s development depends on its representation in the law making bodies. However, he said that the representation has to be real. “The benami leadership of Muslims will not help the community in any way,” he said while referring to Muzaffarnagar riots which occurred despite Uttar Pradesh having more than 60 Muslim MLAs.

The MIM President also described the term Muslim vote bank as a myth and said that same myth got shattered in the recently held parliamentary elections in the country. “There has not been the Muslim vote bank rather a Majority vote bank in India from the first elections in the year 1956,” he said.

Asaduddin Owaisi also announced that his party would contest Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Karnataka. However, the party is yet to decided on its participation in Delhi and Jharkhand Assembly elections. When asked about the GHMC elections, he said it was too early to comment on the same as the corporation was still under the process of undertaking delimitation of divisions.

The MIM chief criticised a section of media for targeting the MIM on its entry into Maharashtra politics. “Some people are unhappy with the MIM winning two Assembly seats in Maharashtra. “When I am participating in the democratic process no one has the right to call me anti national.” He said defamation notices have been sent to the political leaders of Maharashtra who made such statements against him and his party.

Stating that the slogan of “Jai Bheem, Jai Meem” would have a long-term impact, he said that the MIM would hard to unite Dalits and Muslims to ensure the political empowerment of both the communities.

Asaduddin Owaisi accused the BJP of having dual stand on communalism. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi is making statements defending the patriotism of Muslims, other BJP leaders are raking up communal tension by raising non-existing issues like Love Jihad. He also objected to the appointment of Prasar Bharti Director Surya Prakash and said he does not fulfill the criteria of Prasar Bharti charter.

The MIM president reiterated that his party was against the Haj subsidy and instead asked the Centre to release the subsidy amount for the education and employment of Muslim girls. He praised the TRS Government for enhancing the budget for minorities’ welfare in Telangana and hoped that Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao would review all the schemes quarterly. Stating that his party was not against the Metro Rail Project, he suggested the government and Metro Rail authorities to take a different route in Old City. He said it would be ideal if the Metro Rail is taken from Bahadurpura and Kalapather to Falaknuma.

Ahmednagar Massacre of Dalits: Fact-Finding Report

November 11, 2014 by Nasheman

Preliminary fact finding report on the inhuman murders of Dalits on 20 October 2014 at Jawakhede (Khalsa), Taluka Pathardi, District Ahmednagar.

Photo: The Indian Express

by Dalit Atyachar Virodhi Kruti Samiti, Mumbai

On 20th October 2014, in Jawakhede (Khalsa), Taluka Pathardi, District Ahmednagar, the entire family comprising the father, mother and a son, of Buddhist faith, was killed brutally.

On 27th October 2014, the Dalit Atyachar Virodhi Kruti Samiti sent a committee to Jawakhede village on a fact-finding mission to probe these murders. The said committee comprised of Subodh More (social activist and freelance journalist), Jatin Desai (senior journalist), Pheroze Mithiborwala (social activist), Uttam Jagirdar (social activist), Sudhakar Kashyap (correspondent of IBN Lokmat), Anjan Veldurkar (activist), Vinod Shinde (activist), Professor Ranganath Pathare (senior literary person from Ahmednagar), Bela Sakhare (Nagpur), Keshav Waghmare (social activist from Pune).

Jawakhede village is at a distance of 62kms from Ahmednagar, with a population of about 3000 people. A majority of the population belongs to Maratha and Vanjari caste; while the Dalit, Muslim and Christians live in minority. About 30 households belong to the Buddhist community.

The road going to the main village is a tar road, but the road leading to the Dalit residences is an unpaved road. The village falls under Pathardi-Shevgaon constituency. Shimati Monika Rajle, a BJP candidate (erstwhile NCP candidate) is the MLA from this constituency.

Prior to the murder, the family of Sanjay Jagannath Jadhav (42), Jayashri Sanjay Jadhav (38) and Sunil Sanjay Jadhav (19), were staying in a tin shed on their farm where they harvested millet.

Sanjay has three brothers; all the four brothers, after the division of the property became equal property owner of more than an acre of land. Sanjay’s son Sunil was studying Dairy Science in Mumbai. He was visiting the village during the vacation period.

While he was on a college holiday, he and his family were brutally murdered on 20th October 2014. Sunil was cut in two pieces, waist down and his penis was battered. His father Sanjay Jagannath Jadhav was also attacked in the same way. His mother Jayashri Sanjay Jadhav was struck on her head and her ear was cut.

A few days before the killing of the family, their watch-dog who watches over the adjacent farm, was killed by anonymous people. The “Wagh” families, which belong to a majority Maratha community live in close proximity as also the Vanjari community.

The said murders, which appear to be pre-planned, took place during the middle of the night. The attackers killed the entire family in the out-house. The murderers tried to hide the “bloody” evidence by putting soil and millet crop at the site of murder. Then the bodies were cut in pieces and wrapped in rugs and gunny sacks and thrown in a well near the Jadhav residence.

Sunil’s legs and head was shoved into the borewell a short distance away. Since the borewell’s mouth was narrow, the murderers cut the head and legs into tiny pieces. As per the information given by the locals, the murderers tried to destroy the evidence of the murders. The remaining part of Sunil’s body were scattered all over the village.

The Police took about two days (21st & 22nd October) to find the entire body. The last rites were performed after all the body pieces were found.

Suresh Jadhav, brother of deceased Sanjay, informed the committee that their family has shared names of a few suspects with the Police. However, he regretted the fact that the Police has not arrested anyone.

Suresh Jadhav mentioned that since the suspect “Wagh” family is related to Shri Anil Karale (Deputy Chief, Nagar District) and Shrimati Monika Rajle, the Police is not taking any action against them. Due to political pressure, the police is not investigating the case properly and the culprits are not being arrested.

The deceased Sanjay Jadhav’s brother, Sunil, and their father Jagannath, also mentioned to the fact finding committee that they have shared the suspects names and evidence with the Police. Once again, instead of booking the murderers, the family members are being harassed by interrogating them. The deceased Sanjay’s father, Jagannath with tremendous disappointment shared with the fact-finding committee that if the Police does not book the criminals, he would have no other option but to immolate himself.

When the committee members met Shrimati Monika Rajle, she informed the committee that there have been no incidences of communal disharmony in the village, She said that the villagers were extending total co-operation with the Police who were investigating the said murders. However, she could not explain the delay in arresting the murderers till now.

The fact finding committee met Addl. Police Superintendent Shrimati Sunita Thakare-Salunkhe and inquired why there were no arrests despite the Jadhav family having shared the names of the suspects. The fact finding committee demanded why no action was taken against the suspects. She informed the committee that due to lack of evidence against the suspects no arrests were made.

Shrimati Sunita Thakare-Salunkhe felt that according to her, the modus operandi of the murders at Sonai, Nagar in the year 2013 and these murders is similar. She suspected these murders were done out of ethnic pride.

The sequence of events, i.e. the killing of the watch-dog just two days prior to the murder of Jadhav family, the murder of the family, throwing the bodies cut into tiny pieces in a borewell, none of the “Wagh” families who stay in the vicinity coming to the rescue of Jadhav family; assumes possibility of the murderers being locals from the village or someone who is very familiar with the area.

The committee members raised the question as to why the Police was not considering these possibilities, in all seriousness.

The Police is suspecting an illegal relationship between Sunil and an adult woman from one of the “Wagh” families. However, the committee feels this direction in the investigation is inconclusive or irrelevant. It has become the norm to presume an illegal relationship angle in all Dalit murders. This has become evident in Sonai, Kharda, Kewalepada- Bhandara and Khairlanje incidents, prior to this. The committee is of the opinion that such a line of investigation only leads to defamation of Dalits and gathers sympathy for the criminals in the minds of the upper caste community.

When the committee visited Jawakhede, the post mortem report and FIR was not made available to them, hence they are unable to find out the medical reason for the death of the deceased Jadhav family members. However, Lokmat (a daily newspaper in Pune) has reported basis the post mortem report that all of them were first strangulated before the murder.

The committee was informed that after four days of the murders, the police charged unknown people under The Scheduled Castes and Tribes (Prevention of), 1989 (Atrocities Act). However, in the opinion of the said committee, the Atrocities Act is applicable only for Hindus, therefore, any charges against an unknown person may not be valid as an unknown person doesn’t have a identity, religion, caste or gender. The committee is questioning the inaction by the Police to take any steps against the suspected upper caste people, and suspects that the police are acting under political pressure.

On 21st October, one day after the murders on 20th October, four people belonging to the Pardhi community were publically stoned by the villagers in presence of the Police. This act was committed outside the premises of Alakoti Gram-Panchayat office in Parner District; and the trigger was: “allegation of theft”. In this incident, Rahul Punjya Chavan and Pikesh Punjya Chavan died and two other victims were grievously injured and have been hospitalised.

In the last few years, there has been marked increase in atrocities against the Dalit Adivasi Nomadic tribes in Ahmednagar District.

In the year 2013, there were 111 cases registered in this district and in this year, so far, till October about 74 cases have been registered. This includes the murder of three young sweeper community people in Sonai by cutting their bodies into pieces, Nitin Aage’s murder after torturing him. Thereafter, on 22nd June 2014, Aaba Kale a deaf and mute, tiller from Kashti village which falls under Dist. Shrigonda, was tortured by the relatives of Shri. Babanrao Pachpute on account of his alleged intercast love affair. The village falls under constituency of Shri. Babanrao Pachpute.

Much before these incidents, many similar vincidents have transpired. These include, the incident of setting fire to Baban Misal and Janabai Borge from the Matang community; the brutal bashing of Dipak Kamble in Karjat District; the rape and murder of Suman Kale from a Nomadic community; the murder of Walekar, a Dalit youth from Paithan village in Shevgaon District; to name a few.

In none of these incidents any of the criminals have been stringently punished. In fact with the support of Police & Politicians, these casteist criminals are getting stronger. This has resulted in more and more atrocities being inflicted upon Dalits.

Certain castes and dynasties from Ahmednagar are responsible for the increasing incidents of atrocities; their flourishing economic affluence, their political dominance and the resulting arrogance plus the attitude that “nobody can touch me” is the root cause behind these incidents. Along with the economic growth, there should have been a complementary cultural change, however, there is a lack of empathy for the downtrodden in the society, or such empathy does not reflect in our society.

The progressive movements that seek social reforms have been weakened, the forces opposing the atrocities against Dalits are not vociferous. All this is resulting in increasing attacks on the community. Be it political leaders from the district or social activists like Anna Hazare, none of them are speaking out against these incidents. As a result, these casteist forces are getting stronger and more powerful. This is what the members of the fact-finding committee opine.

The Police, so far, has not taken any action vis a vis the attacks on Dalits in the districts of Beed-Parali, Padoda, Jalna, Hingoli which are adjacent to Ahmednagar district. In these circumstances, there is no hope of justice or redressal so also there is guarantee to the safety of life and limb and property.

Through this fact finding report, we make the following demands and suggestions to the new government. We demand immediate implementation of these demands/ suggestions.

Demands and suggestions:

Immediate arrests of criminals involved in the Jawakhede murders
Stringent punishments for the criminals involved in murder of two Pardhi community members and causing injuries to the other members of the community
Immediate arrest of criminals involved in the Kashti-Shrigonda atrocities incident
Protection to the witnesses and the affected Dalit victims
Rehabilitation of victim Dalit families
Declaration of Ahmednagar as “Atrocities Prone” district and police protection to all Dalit residential areas
Suspension of officers responsible for neglecting their duties to take action under Atrocities Act
Speedy trial of all communal crime court cases in Ahmednagar by a special Fast Track Court
Strict action be taken against the police and administrative officers holding them responsible for the atrocities in their village/ district

The Everyday Violence of the Law: Chaitanya Tamhane’s Court

November 3, 2014 by Nasheman

by Amit Basole, Sanhati

Chaitanya Tamhane’s directorial debut, Court, is a multilingual, award-winning film on the “quiet violence” of the judicial system and how the State uses it to suppress political activists. Financed by the Hubert-Bals Fund and private equity, it opened to rave reviews and won Best Director and Best Film in the International Competition section of the 16th Mumbai Film Festival. It also premiered at the Venice Film Festival earlier in the year, where it won the Lion of the Future Award for the best first feature. Court successfully invokes the mood of a trial based on patently ridiculous charges, conducted with no intent other than disciplining and harassment of an activist. A phenomenon that is all too common in India. The theme is very timely given the increasingly intolerant nature of the Indian State and the large number of political prisoners languishing in jail all across the country.

The film follows the trial of Narayan Kamble (Vira Sathidar), a Dalit political activist and lokshahir (people’s poet) who is arrested on stage during a performance in Bombay on charges of “abetment of suicide.” The police claim that Kamble has penned and performed “incendiary” lyrics calling on Dalits to “drown themselves in sewage” provoking a municipal sanitation worker to actually take his own life by drowning in the very sewer it is his duty to clean. The absurdity of the charge is matched by the (mock?) seriousness with which it is pursued but the police and the officials of the Sessions court. While the politics of false charges and suppression of activists via legal means is an important theme in the film, Tamhane also uses the context of the trial to explore the everyday lives of the principal actors in the courtroom; especially the lawyers for defense (producer Vivek Gomber) and prosecution (played by Geetanjali Kulkarni), and the judge (Pradeep Joshi). What emerges is how extraordinary injustice is embedded in quotidian affairs. The prosecution lawyer argues against bail, ensures that an honest man of advanced years rots in police custody for no reason at all and then goes home to cook dinner and watch TV with her family.

The ponderous legal system is certainly the main protagonist, as is evident in the name of the film. And as a useful counterpoint to the brilliant and satirical Mohan Joshi Hazir Ho, Court forces us confront the fact that the byzantine alleyways of justice and the proverbial tarikh pe tarikh, are not merely the unintended result of an uncaring and bureaucratic system but rather used deliberately by the State to remove its more inconvenient citizens for some time, say three or four years. At which time it is the headache of the next set of rulers.

As noted by other reviewers, Anand Patwardhan’s Jai Bhim Comrade could serve as the primer or backdrop to Court. Vilas Ghogre the activist and singer with whose suicide over the Ramabai Nagar police firing in 1998 Patwardhan begins the film, could be Narayan Kamble. Indeed the protest poetry that Kamble sings from the stage has been penned by Ghogre’s friend and fellow activist Sambhaji Bhagat, a renowned and powerful lokshahir. Vira Sathidar who plays Kamble is himself a left Dalit political activist and editor of the radical Nagpur-based journal Vidrohi.

The film’s casting is brilliant (and took several months). Vira Sathidar is spot-on as Narayan Kamble. Being an activist himself he knows how to behave, stand, move and speak. His performance to the powerful lyrics of lokshahir Sambhaji Bhagat is also utterly convincing. Film producer Vivek Gomber as Vinay Vora is also very good, as are all the other actors (Geetanjali Kulkarni as the prosecuting attorney, Pradeep Joshi as Judge Sadavarte). Several members of the cast are not professionally trained actors. For example, the woman who plays the wife of the drowned municipal worker is actually the wife of such a worker who lost his life. The films skillful use of Bombay’s multilingual milieu should also be commended. Tamhane uses Marathi, Hindi, English, and Gujarati as needed according to the social context. This may not seem like a big deal, but if one notes how few films are able to do justice to the multilingualism that exists in Indian cities, this emerges as a major achievement.

While the overall aesthetic of the film is “documentary-like” with real locations and use of non-professional actors, Tamhane also makes extensive use of wide-angle shots, very long duration takes, and dramatic contrast cuts. This is a bold move on part of a first-time director since it makes him vulnerable by exposing large compositions to the viewer for long periods of time, to imbibe and criticize. But on the whole the move works well. Wide shots give Bombay city a starring role in the film conveying a sense of social context in which the action is embedded. We see other people, incidental to the scene going about their lives. The long takes slow down time invoking in the viewer a feeling of what it must feel like to be involved in an interminable court case where everything moves at a glacial pace.

The director noted during the Q & A that he is particularly interested in exploring the experience of the law in a Sessions court as a counter-point to the glamorous upper level courts with oratorical performances and tightly woven arguments. Here lawyers need not be articulate and proceedings are simultaneously intensely procedural but also highly disorganized. For example witnesses don’t show up for months because they are “ill,” stock (professional) police witnesses are used, charge sheets are read out in their entirety in monotones, arguments are not convincing, and logic borders on farce.

Overall, Tamhane has made a strong debut and has tackled an extremely important theme in a sensitive manner.

But the film does suffer from some problems. While the story and screenplay has been called understated by some reviewers, I found little subtlety in the treatment. Not much is left to the viewer’s imagination. Deliberate contrast cuts, e.g. from a softly lit, fashionable Bombay nightclub to a harshly lit, bleak, sessions courtroom are dramatic but also a tiny bit heavy-handed. The film ends with a scene showing Judge Sadavarte dozing off on a park bench while on a family vacation in Arnala (resort town near Bombay). Meanwhile the under-trial languishes in judicial custody. But where the director chose to end the film is also worth noting. In the last scene, the judge dozes on a park bench while some kids from the family stand nearby and giggle at him. They then come close, shout loudly and startle him out of his nap. He wakes up abruptly, scolds them harshly and falls back to sleep. The end. The obvious conclusion: despite the occasional irritant, justice sleeps on vacation. But if the film had ended with the judge being rudely awakened out of his slumber by the children, how different would the implication have been? Perhaps Tamhane felt that such an optimistic ending would have been out of keeping with the general mood of the film.

Further, the political prisoner theme naturally lends itself to some difficult political questions. In an attempt to make the story “interesting” Tamhane gives the defense lawyer a highly privileged background while making the prosecuting attorney come from a modest, lower-middle class home. The irony is in a scion of a Gujarati business family (his father owns an entire building in Bombay) forging a relationship with a poor, Marathi Dalit activist. Linguistically and in class terms, perhaps the lower-middle class (though most likely Brahmin) prosecuting attorney is closer to the accused than his own lawyer.

In fact, Tamhane goes to great lengths to establish the points of difference between Vora and Kamble. The lawyer speaks English-medium quality English, shops for expensive wine and cheese, frequents upscale nightclubs, listens to jazz in his car and watches news about the Jaipur Lit Fest on his Apple Macbook. He also does not speak very much Marathi. In one telling scene, while the accused is on stand in the courtroom being cross-examined by the prosecution in Marathi, the defense lawyer pleads for the proceeding to occur in Hindi. The accused, Kamble, says he is more comfortable in Marathi. Vinay Vora is thus the epitome of the “outsider” as far as Narayan Kamble’s social context is concerned.

What are we to make of this? In the Q & A after the movie, the director defended this set-up by saying it was “more interesting.” Perhaps so. But what message does it send? We are never told how Vora comes to defend Kamble, what the former thinks about the latter’s politics and struggle. It doesn’t appear to be the case that Vora is simply a public defender who has been assigned the case. Rather he seems to be Kamble’s lawyer. Certainly upper class lawyers can and do choose to fight such cases. But what is being suggested by drawing attention to how out of touch with his client’s life and social context the lawyer is?

This connects to the films intended audience, which not surprisingly seems to be the English-speaking middle class. This is a good thing, in so far as the film enables a class that has minimal contact with this side of the justice system to get a peek into its workings. But unfortunately, a voyeuristic peek and a coming away with shaking of the head at the deplorable state of affairs is all we are likely to have here. The film does not really unsettle any middle-class conceptions. Rather it confirms them. In the process it even makes fun of all the characters, apart from Vora and Kamble, that inhabit this universe (judging in part by the audiences’ laughter, for which the director of course cannot be entirely help responsible). Their earnestness in following court protocol, their heavily Marathi-accented English, one suspects even their lack of cosmopolitanism, become objects of amusement. A link of sympathy is forged between the audience, Vora, and Kamble, bypassing the social classes in the middle, who are mostly hostile.

What is also missing is a sense of the community from which Kamble comes or for which he has dedicated his life. There are references to the youth who form part of his cultural troupe and one young man is shown working with Vora. But that is all. Ironically we get back-stories or backgrounds for everyone but Kamble. We don’t see his family or where or how he lives, who his friends are. He is the archetypal “wronged Dalit.” Not innocent, he is, after all, political, but a two-dimensional representation of a Dalit activist, nevertheless. The dead municipal worker of course needs no backstory because he is not a person. He stands for the most degraded citizen who society literally kills with its waste.

It is possible that the director did not venture far in this direction because he wanted to stay close to the kinds of people he feels he knows well enough to characterize convincingly. It is also possible that, as is evident in the title of the film, he was more concerned with exploring the characters that inhabit a Sessions courtroom. But then a political trial which eventually progresses to a sedition charge under UAPA, no less, was not the best way to explore those characters, since much larger themes are raised by doing so and they must be dealt with.

But the complaints above notwithstanding, on the whole Court is a welcome development in Indian cinema from an assured and sensitive directorial voice. Such honest filmmaking especially on dissent is greatly to be desired given the narrowing of space for critical thinking in the Modi-obsessed middle-class. We look forward to many more films from Chaitanya Tamhane.

Maharashtra Dalits backed BJP due to frustration: Eknath Awad

October 27, 2014 by Nasheman

Eknath Awad. [Photo: 100 Heroes Project]

Fondly called as “Jija” or “The respected” (in Marathi) by his followers, one of the tallest Dalit activist of India, Eknath Awad works for economic empowerment of the most depressed communities of the fuedal region in Deccan Plateau. Through his “Manviya Haq Abhiyan” or Human rights movement, Jija has secured land for over 50,000 Dalits in Marathwada, giving them social and economic freedom to a great extent. He speaks to TISS student Aishik Chanda at Manviya Haq Abhiyan headquarter near Telgaon in Beed district of Maharashtra.

How has the Dalit movement fared in Marathwada till now?

Marathwada was a part of Nizam-ruled Hyderabad state, which resulted in feudalism, backwardness and more atrocities on the Dalits. Lack of employement, fuelled by chronic casteism gave strength to the Dalit movement here. There have been several separate movements by the Dalit Panthers, Republican Party of India, Manviya Haq Abhiyan and Ukraant. The more you suppress, the stronger the movement grows.

How has Manviya Haq Abhiyan succeeded so far?

The main aim of Manviya Haq Abhiyan, which started in 1990, was to put a halt to the caste-based occupations in the villages, stop caste atrocities and secure as much as possible fallow government grazing land for the Dalits. A lot of Dalits have got grazing land to toil. Earlier, people did not file cases of atrocities. Things have changed. Dalits have gathered more courage and voice, which has led to more action.

Despite economic empowerment, has social equality come?

It is very hard to bring social equality in our country, even if economic equality has been achieved. After struggling for so many years, I am being looked down upon as a Dalit, but not on the face. Everything is behind my back. Social equality is very hard to achieve…our countrymen are mad people. Humanity has no value. Stones have value, animals have value, but humans don’t. Even cats and dogs are treated better than Dalits in our society. Humans are not treated like humans, rest all are gods. Lord Buddha spread the message of equality but the people of our country did not like that. Hence, this situation.

Why do you think Babasaheb Ambedkar’s ideology did not make much impact on many Dalit communities throughout India on the level it could have?

In south, Baba’s ideology has made a great impact. In U.P., Baba’s thoughts were taken forward by Kanshi Ram ji. However, all over India it might not have made a great impact partly because the one’s who should have taken the ideas to other states — The Marathi Dalit — is largely rural and does not have that level of exposure to the other states.

Where do you see the Dalit movement in Maharashtra post-BJP government both at Centre and state?

The Congress-NCP rule ignored the Dalit issues like anything. The earlier Chief Ministers and the home ministers would visit the Dalit villages after an atrocity or massacre. However, the recent governments even stopped that formality. The Dalits were angry with the government, so they wanted a change and voted for BJP en masse, which is also a reason for BJP’s accession to power in Maharashtra.

What are the differences between the Dalit movements in Vidarbha and Marathwada?

The Dalit movements of Marathwada, Vidarbha and western Maharashtra are different from one another. The Marathwada movement has been aggressive as caste-oppression has been the most violent here. The Dalit movement in Vidarbha is not united. However, after a caste atrocity or violence, the Mahars and the Maangs (major Dalit communities) come under the same roof. Organisations join hands to put up a collective fight. Within 15 days of an atrocity, the victim Dalit takes his “revenge” in Marathwada. Such is not the case in Vidarbha. The casteism in western Maharashtra is very subtle and non-violent in nature.

Despite such a strong social movement in Maharashtra, why did not the Dalits get much political power?

It is because of the divide among the Dalits. The shaane (clever) Dalits have outnumbered the deewane (passionate) Dalits in Maharashtra.

What is your stand on Arundhati Roy’s “version” of Annhilation of caste?

I haven’t read it yet. So, can’t comment on that.

Your organisation has Ambedkariite ideology but has supported NCP, Congress and BJP. Does that not clash with your political ideology?

No, it doesn’t. The Congress-NCP rule has been more cruel on Dalits than the BJP-SS rule.

So, you can go with any ideology for the betterment of the Dalits?

It is not like that. The Congress has used the Dalits and the Muslims by using the fear of BJP. So, our stand has become “dekh lenge” (We’ll see). Hence, the Dalits have supported the BJP this time.

Can Dalits and Muslims ever come together politically?

They can but they won’t. Dalits and Muslims have separate agendas. The Muslims have never been politically organised. They have just organised themselves on religious grounds. Dalits till get politically organised. Muslims have voted en masse to BJP here in Majalgaon in Beed district.

Why did it take so long for convicting the perpetrators of Khairlanji incident?

It has been majorly due to state government’s negligence. They were never beside the Dalits of Khairlanji. They instead honoured Kahirlanji with a “Tanta Mukti Puraskar” (an award given for solving their problems). In that very village, such a gruesome massacre and rapes took place. The attitude of the government is best seen the way it had changed non-bailable offences to bailable ones.

Where do you see media’s role in bringing out atrocities to the “mainstream”.

Only Dalit media reports such cases regularly. Big medias have become corporatised. The philanthrophy in journalism has become very weak. The media won’t earn much if they publish or report more of atrocities on Dalits, who are not “news”.

Where do you see role of Dalit literature as a medium of Dalit voice?

It is very very important. In Mahrashtra, a lot has been done through Dalit literature. Maharashtra has now all types of Dalit literature.

What is the reason that the Dalits in Maharashtra are the most organised?

It is the result of the movements by Mahatma Phule and Babasaheb. A lot has changed here.

Why do you think the BSP did not make much inroads into Maharashtra?

I have fought on a BSP ticket in Lok Sabha elections once. I believe in the ideology. But, with the death of Kanshi Ram ji, his dream too died. Mayawati is busy in petty party politics. Kanshi Ram ji’s work was missionary. His mission was to make Dalits wake up. During his lifetime, BSP became a national party. After his death, the downfall of the party started, its area of influence got reduced and limited to in and around U.P.

Do you think there is any chance of Dalit panthers to regain strength in Maharashtra?

No, its not possible. People have changed a lot. A Dalit organisation grows when Dalits are insecure. Now, the situation of Dalits in Maharashtra has improved manifolds. Atrocities have reduced. The “dushman” (enemy) has also become conscious. They now fear the Dalits. They are not in a position to be aggressive against Dalits, as was the situation during Dalit Panthers’ time. Also, the commitment among Dalit children towards the movement has reduced. Not many Dalit kids will go on a padayatra (foot march) today. During the heyday of 70s, we used to walk for 40 km a day to reach villages and sensitise people. In this new position, rebuilding and resurecting Dalit Panthers is very very difficult.

Do you support OBC reservations for Marathas?

Not at all!!! They are the exploiters. They have factories, dairies, farms. They are the sarpanch, MLA, MP, ministers, CM. They are everywhere. Why do they need reservation? According to the constitution, reservation if for the traditionally powerless communities. Marathas are in power since ages.

Bengal is second in the country both in terms of Dalit population and percentage. Still its has seen no major Dalit movement post-independence. Is it due to suppression of caste and more importance to class?

Yes. CPI and CPM have done this grave mistake and hence have failed. They believe that social mobility will follow economic mobility. But that has not happened. Babasaheb had told that caste and class issues should go hand-in-hand. So, Dalit issues in Bengal were suppressed by class struggle. Bengal needs a strong Dalit leader now.

The writer is pursuing M.A. Dalit and Tribal Studies and Action at Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. He was a working journalist at The New Indian Express and Deccan Chronicle in Hyderabad. He is currently an independent journalist.