Nasheman

US: Houston Muslim school burned down in what investigators say is likely an arson attack

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

The arson attack was the third incident of Islamaphobic violence this week.

by Zaid Jilani, AlterNet

Unfortunately, the execution of three Muslim students in Chapel Hill was not the only Islamophobic violence that happened this week. The same week, an Arab American family was assaulted in Dearborn, and now in Houston comes a horrible story of what appears to be an arson attack on an Islamic school for young children.

The Quba Islamic Institute opened in January of 2013 with the goal of doing Sunday school, summer school, and after-school programs for young children as well as host other Muslim events. Here’s a photo from children there shooting hoops they posted yesterday on their Facebook:

And here’s what happened to the school overnight:

Early this morning Houston firefighters responded to this blaze which was part of a fire taking place in one of the buildings of the school campus. After an investigation, they determined an accelerant was used to cause the fire, most likely an incendiary device.

I spoke to Ahsan Zahid, the son of the imam at the institution. Zahid described the scene early this morning when they arrived at the school to find it on fire. As the investigation was ongoing, the firefighters asked them if they “had thrown around a desk in a parking lot” – it soon became clear that school property had been smashed overnight, most likely intentionally.

Zahid also described a suspicious person they saw last night, “We had a person in a white pickup truck..who had just last night drove by our mosque as we were playing basketball outside at night getting ready to leave…chanting Arabic phrases, mocking us in a way.”

“I would like for my community…not to reach for hate, not to point fingers at anyone, not to criticize anyone,” said Zahid about how they plan to move forward. “I believe that since we have been wronged it is not necessary to be angry at the one who has wronged us…everybody has united nobody has said a single word of anger or hatred towards anyone.”

Elsewhere in Houston, Abdullah Shakur, a Muslim Vietnam veteran, was at a car stereo shop on Tuesday night when masked gunmen decided to attack it. Its unclear what the gunmen wanted, although it is possible it was a routine robbery. Shakur left the others he was with and tackled one of the men. “He knew they had guns. He was trying to defend us,” said one witness to the incident. The gunmen then shot him. “It was execution-style. And the fact that they executed Shakur, they need to be brought to justice. He was a Vietnam War veteran. He was lovable, always smiling. He was trying to protect us,” said the witness.

Despite the hate Muslim Americans have endured, the case of Shakur and the graciousness of Zahid shows that they continue to love the country they live in – and want to work to make it better.

Deadly clashes continue in Yemen as embassies shutdown

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

Clashes between Shi’ite Houthi militiamen and Sunni fighters have killed 26 people in Yemen.

The embassy closures have isolated Yemen’s new rulers and lent urgency to struggling talks over internal power-sharing which the Houthis.

by Reuters

Sanaa: Clashes between Shi’ite Houthi militiamen and Sunni tribesmen fighting alongside Al Qaeda militants killed 26 people in Yemen, local officials said, as the United Arab Emirates joined Saudi Arabia and Western countries in closing its embassy in the country.

Heavy fighting was ongoing in the southern mountainous province of al-Bayda, leading to the death of 16 Houthi rebels along with 10 Sunni tribesmen and militants, security officials and tribal sources told Reuters.

The state faces collapse in Yemen two weeks after the Houthi group took formal control of the country and continued an armed push southward.

France, the United States, Britain, Germany, Italy and Saudi Arabia have closed their missions in the capital Sanaa and withdrawn staff, citing security concerns.

The United Arab Emirates announced the closure of its embassy in Sanaa on Saturday, state news agency WAM said.

It cited “the increasing deterioration of the political and security situation Yemen is witnessing and the tragic events after the Houthis undermined the legitimate authority.”

Yemen’s rich Sunni Gulf neighbors loathe the Iranian-backed rebels and have called their rise to power a “coup.”

The embassy closures have isolated Yemen’s new rulers and lent urgency to struggling talks over internal power-sharing which the Houthis are conducting with opposition parties.

Hailing their advance as a “revolution” aimed at corrupt officials and economic ruin, the Houthis dissolved parliament and set up their own ruling body earlier this month.

Opponents say the group is backed by Yemen’s former strongman president Ali Abdullah Saleh – ousted in 2011 Arab Spring protests – and is bent on seizing land and the levers of power.

The Houthi spread to Yemen’s well-armed tribal regions in the East and South has prompted locals to make common cause with militants from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, one of the deadliest arms of the global militant organization.

Months of combat and AQAP bombings directed against Houthi targets in Sanaa have stoked fears of an all-out sectarian war.

Bahraini police, protesters clash on fourth anniversary of uprisings

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

A Bahraini protester prepares to throw back a tear gas canister during clashes with police following a demonstration on February 13, 2015, to mark the fourth anniversary of the Bahraini uprising and against the recent arrest of Sheikh Ali Salman, head of the al-Wefaq opposition movement, in Salman’s home village of Bilad al-Qadeem on the outskirts of the capital Manama. AFP/Mohammed al-Shaikh

Bahraini police fired tear gas to disperse hundreds of protesters who took to the streets Saturday on the fourth anniversary of an uprising that deeply divided the key US ally.

Police deployed heavily as men and women carrying Bahrain’s red and white flag alongside portraits of detained activists chanted “Down Hamad,” in reference to the king, witnesses said.

They fired tear gas and sound bombs and beefed up security around several villages and along major roads across the country, the witnesses added, without reporting any casualties.

The security measures were reportedly aimed at preventing the demonstrators from advancing towards the center of the capital Manama, where the 2011 uprising was focused.

Protesters burned tires and used rocks, garbage containers and branches to block roads in the villages.

The February 14 Coalition, a cyber youth group, had urged demonstrations and strikes across the kingdom under the slogan “Strike of Defiance.” But the public security chief, Major-General Tareq al-Hassan, had issued a stern warning ahead of the protests.

“Action will be taken against those who spread terror among citizens or residents, put the safety of others at risk or try to disrupt the nation’s security and stability,” Hassan said.

With Saudi Arabia’s help, Bahraini authorities crushed protests shortly after they erupted on February 14, 2011, in which demonstrators from the country’s majority Shia population demanded reforms and a bigger share in government in the kingdom.

Saudi Arabia and other Gulf neighbors sent troops into Bahrain in March 2011, reinforcing a crackdown that led to accusations of serious human rights violations.

At least 93 people are estimated to have been killed and hundreds have been arrested and tried since the uprising erupted in the kingdom which is home to the US Fifth Fleet.

The opposition is demanding a “real” constitutional monarchy with an elected prime minister who is independent of the ruling royal family, but the al-Khalifa dynasty has refused to yield.

Currently, opposition leader Sheikh Ali Salman is behind bars for allegedly trying to overthrow the regime. His arrest on December 28, shortly after he was re-elected head of Bahrain’s main opposition party al-Wefaq, has sparked near-daily protests.

”Little hope of progress”

“The movement has reached its four years with the situation only getting worse and deteriorating with citizens threatened by losing their nationalities any minute,” al-Wefaq said on Twitter.

Bahrain has revoked the citizenships of scores of activists over the past few years, drawing condemnation from human rights groups. In October, a court banned al-Wefaq for three months for violating a law on associations.

“There looks like little hope of progress in Bahrain. The opposition is barely legal,” said Neil Partrick, a Gulf analyst at the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies.

The political rivals have struggled to bury their differences through a “national dialogue” that fell apart despite several rounds of negotiations.

Al-Wefaq refused to resume talks with the authorities in September despite a new proposal by Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad al-Khalifa. In November, the opposition also boycotted parliamentary elections in which pro-government personnel won the most seats.

Al-Wefaq described February 14, 2011 as the start “of the peaceful movement… demanding a democratic nation in which the people will be the source of powers and which is built on partnership and equality.”

It insisted that “peaceful” protests must continue “until a political solution is reached.” However, a solution appears remote in the smallest Gulf Arab country neighboring the oil-rich Saudi Arabia.

“Despite an interest in intra-Bahraini talks, the Saudi leadership seems to be allowing harder-line elements in the Bahraini ruling family to dictate the political direction of the country,” said Partrick.

On Monday, Manama permanently closed Al-Arab News Channel, whose programming was interrupted on February 1 just hours after it launched and aired an interview with an opponent of Bahrain’s rulers.

(AFP, Al-Akhbar)

Demand action against special cell personnel in Liaquat Shah case: PUDR

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

by People’s Union For Democratic Rights

The recent chargesheet filed by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) absolving former Hizbul Mujahideen militant, Syed Liaquat Shah, of all charges, has yet again exposed the Special Cell of the Delhi Police for planting false evidence and for framing Shah. Shah had been arrested by the Delhi Police on March 20, 2013 on grounds that he intended to launch a fidayeen or suicide attack in Delhi. A ‘recovery’ of a cache of arms, ammunition and explosives from a guest house near Jama Masjid (where allegedly Shah was planning to visit) was presented as evidence. He had been charged under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) and sections of the IPC including waging war against the State. The Centre ordered for an impartial probe by the NIA in the matter as there were conflicting positions emerging from the Delhi Police and the J&K Police. It was stated by J&K Police that Liaquat Shah was returning to Kashmir in order to surrender under J&K’s rehabilitation policy. The NIA has now found that these arms were in fact placed there by Sabir Khan Pathan, an informer of the Special Cell working under the express orders of the Special Cell officials.

While the chargesheet names several officers and personnel of the Special Cell such as DCP Sanjeev Yadav, Inspectors Sanjay Dutt and Rahul Kumar, and Head Constables Manish, Mohd. Iqbal Dar and Gulvir Singh as being involved, the NIA in its report to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in January 2015 demanded departmental inquiry against all but the name of the DCP has been dropped. Moreover, though names of police officers involved have been mentioned in the chargesheet for being in touch with the informer Sabir Khan Pathan on 20-21 March 2013, only the informer has been named as the main accused. The NIA has also failed to indict the senior officials including the police commissioner who had all insisted that they had ‘evidence’ against Shah. It is vital that command responsibility be established in such cases rather than letting the higher officials escape punishment. Additionally, the NIA has also not explained where from did the cache of arms and explosives recovered from the guest house actually emerge. In response, the MHA had said that it would take ‘tough action’ against the officials if required. Reacting to this, the Delhi Police has now called upon the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the MHA arguing that any action would have a ‘demoralising’ impact on the officers involved in counter-terror operations. A senior police official has also reportedly said that it is a ‘bonafide case of mistaken identity’ and not of any wrong or malafide intent and whatever they did was done in the best interest of ‘national security’.

It should be noted that this is not the first time that the Special Cell is being indicted by another investigative agency. In 2008, in the case of State v. Maurif Qamar and Md. Irshad Ali, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) had submitted a closure report in the court of the Additional Session Judge in which it was clearly mentioned that the two accused (who were special cell informers earlier) were innocent and falsely implicated as dreaded terrorists in the case by the Special Cell which had fabricated and planted evidence. The CBI had also recommended that legal action be taken against the officials involved. Again, it need not be reminded that it was the Special Cell which was involved in the Batla House encounter case which has been widely criticized as a staged one.

PUDR’s findings in the past also show that the Special Cell has been a ‘habitual offender’ when it comes to faking encounters or in acts of planting evidence or falsely implicating people and routinely subverting justice in a number of important investigations it has undertaken. However, in the absence of any independent investigation, these crimes by Special Cell personnel have not been not brought to light, unlike as in the Liaquat Shah’s case has been.

A few instances would show this long lineage of crimes by the Special Cell. The case against Mohd. Arif, accused in the Red Fort attack case in the year 2000, for instance, rests mainly on the supposed ‘recovery’ by Special Cell official M.C. Sharma and his team, of a slip of paper bearing a mobile number which belonged to the accused. Despite contradictory statements in court by different Special Cell officers about the timing of their so called ‘recovery’, this ‘evidence’ was used to charge Arif with the crime and award him the death sentence. He is presently awaiting execution in this case.

Even in the 2001 Parliament Attack case, the case hinged on the Special Cell’s investigation on these kinds of alleged ‘recovery’ of slips of paper with phone numbers, mobile phones and sim cards from the dead (terrorists). These were then used to implicate a number of people who were arrested, tried and, in one case, later executed. Doubts about the authenticity of sim cards and allegations that they had been cloned and call records altered were raised at the time. The fact that the investigation methods of the Special Cell were a combination of extracting ‘confessions’ and ‘recovery’ of evidence was criticized and suspicion that this evidence was planted and doctored were raised at the time.

Another case in point was the picking up and killing of Rafiq, a resident of Sikandrabad, Uttar Pradesh in August 2003 as a ‘dreaded terrorist’ in the so called ‘Millenium Park encounter’. In this case also, which was investigated in detail in 2004 by PUCL and PUDR (See: http://www.pudr.org/?q=content/close-encounter-report-police-shoot-outs-delhi), there were no independent eye witnesses and ‘recovery’ of detonators and money was shown on the basis of which Rafiq’s brothers were also charged under serious offences. In October 2003, the Special Cell came under cloud for its role in the Ansal Plaza ‘encounter’ when an eyewitness came forward to expose the cold blooded killing.

The Special Cell of the Delhi Police has enjoyed impunity despite its consistent violation of rights and subversion of justice because of the protection given to it by draconian anti-terror laws like the erstwhile POTA and, especially, the present UAPA. While S. 58 had been added to POTA, allowing punishment for ‘malicious action’ by the police under this law after large scale institution of false cases by the police under anti-terror laws, the UAPA has excluded this clause cementing the impunity of police and protecting the ‘Special’ status of the police even when they commit heinous crimes.

Finally, as is indicated in the above mentioned cases, violations have been fearlessly committed by State personnel in the name of ‘national security’ and ‘fighting terrorism’. These labels help absolve officials from any kind of accountability even while the crimes committed are serious in nature, involving fabrication of evidence and false implication of persons—sometimes also leading the accused onto the death row.

PUDR demands that the guilty personnel of the Special Cell, including commanding officials, be immediately charged, prosecuted and punished in the Liaquat Shah’s false arrest case, and not be shielded by laws like the UAPA despite committing grave crimes. PUDR also demands that action be taken against higher officials of the Delhi Police who defended the Special Cell and supported the ‘evidence’ against Shah.

Megha Bahl and Sharmila Purkayastha

(Secretaries)

Political prisoners and activism in the current dispensation – An interview with Arun Ferreira

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

Arun Ferreira. Photo: IE

Arun Ferreira is a political activist based in Maharashtra. He was arrested in 2007 by the anti Naxal force on the charges of being an alleged Maoist. He was subsequently granted bail in 2012 and acquitted of all charges by various courts in January 2014. His book on his prison experiences titled – ‘Colours of Cage’ was released in 2014.

He continues to be politically active and has been since then associated with issues concerning rights of political prisoners. Through this interview we seek to talk about his current work as a political activist, his views on issues pertaining to incarceration of political activists in Maharashtra, as well as on issues concerning radical left and left movements in Maharashtra and India.

by Neeraja and Prathamesh, Sanhati

Q. Can you tell us something about your current work?

A. I’m currently helping a few organizations working on prisoners’ rights and with lawyers in cases pertaining to incarcerated political activists. I’m also studying law.

Q: Can you tell us more about cases in Mumbai regarding the arrest of political activists in which you have been helping with their defense?

A: Some of these activists implicated are Angela Sontakke, Sushma Ramtekke, Jyothi Chorge, Nandini Bhagat, Anuradha Sonule, Siddharth Bhonsle and Deepak Dengle. The first five of them are from Vidarbha and a few had been earlier implicated and made accused in a conspiracy case regarding the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch in Chandrapur. Siddarth and Deepak were members of the Kabir Kala Manch in Pune. The State has been attempting to project the Kabir Kala Manch as a Maoist Front organization and hence this case. The second batch of prisoners namely Sheetal Sathe, Sachin Mali, Sagar Gorke and Ramesh Ghaichore were later on arrested in this case. All of the accused except Angela, Sachin, Ramesh and Sagar are presently on bail.

It has been the traditional tactic of the state when arresting political activists to frame a criminal conspiracy in such cases. In this case, all are accused of membership and association with the CPI(Maoist), an organization deemed terrorist and thus banned under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). These accusations are made on basis of possession of books and other literature.

Q. Is guilt then proven by association?

A. The UAPA allows for the determination of guilt on the basis of association and ideology. This is inconsistent with existing constitutional provisions of freedom of expression, ideology or association. The Supreme Court thus rightly concluded in the Arup Bhuyan and Indra Das judgements that mere passive membership in a banned organization does not make a person guilty. In that case the accused were allegedly members of a banned organization i.e. the ULFA. The Bombay High Court further developed on this interpretation while granting bail to Jyothi Chorge and others. But subsequent bail applications for Angela, Sachin, Ramesh and Sagar were not successful although the defence claimed parity in the application of the HC judgment. Many a time bail is granted on the subjective opinions of the presiding judge of the Bench.

Q. How does UAPA play a role here?

A. The list of banned organization, which is referred under UAPA schedule, mentions that ‘CPI(Maoist) and all its fronts’ are banned. It is a rule in interpretation of statutes, that penal laws including any such list should be precisely worded. The question of an organisation being ‘a front’ is determined by an act of the armed forces or Intelligence agencies rather than concrete evidence. This determination allows organizations like the Kabir Kala Manch, or even National Civil Liberties organizations to be easily branded as Maoist fronts. It also makes this determination a subjective whim of the police authority or the political bosses in power to declare any social and political organization as a front. Similar to the logic of how Greenpeace is now considered as anti-national by the IB. But here it is even more dangerous as such a determination causes a person to be detained for years on end.

Existing law allows for ‘abettors’ and ‘conspirators’ of an offence to be made culpable. However UAPA by determining guilt by association further stretches this interpretation of who is an abettor or co-conspirator. The use of law is such that many find themselves slapped with these charges, without concrete grounds of them being involved in a specific offence or an act of violence.

Q. How is membership of an organisation established in courts?

A. It is usually done by the means of establishing ideological moorings which in turn is often established by possession of books or computer files. Surrendered Naxalites are also used to give statements against the accused to prove membership or association. Under the Government’s Surrender policy, such persons will not be arrested or tried for offences they have committed on the condition that they co-operate with the police agencies. This so-called co-operation implies acting on the directions of the police authorities and fabricating statements as per their wishes. This makes their testimonies in court highly suspect.

Q. Can you tell us about arrests under UAPA in Maharashtra in recent times?

A. In Maharashtra, there are three types of arrests under UAPA. One would be those muslims arrested in blast cases, whether involved or falsely implicated. Secondly persons arrested for association with Naxalism. These primarily consists of Adivasis and Dalits. And lastly, some members of Hindu fascists associations such as Abhinav Bharat and Sanathan Sansthan. In Western Maharashtra, most of the political prisoner cases are on Muslims, with a comparatively few of Naxal related cases. In Vidarbha (Eastern Maharahtra) on the other hand, the bulk of the cases are Naxal related.

Recently in September 2014, Arun Bhelke and his wife Kanchan were arrested in Pune under charges of Naxalism. Arun Bhelke was the president of the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch, a youth organization in Chandrapur and a co-accused in one of my cases. Subsequent to these arrests police authorities started harassing activists of other mass organizations. This is the modus operandi of the State vis-à-vis suppressing organizations they perceive as a threat.

Q. How do you see the difference between the terror accused and those accused of being Naxalites?

A. Muslims arrested in terror related cases are tortured and treated more brutally. The anti-minority bias of the State is apparent in such treatment. They are sometimes even prevented in arranging lawyers for their defense— a direct violation of their fundamental rights. Innocent victims in all such cases, many a time fail to complain against such brutality and speak up in court. On the other hand, activists, whether members of SIMI or mass organizations alleged to be associated with Naxalism have always boldly defended their rights both before the Court and in prisons. They have historically been the leaders of prison hunger strikes and struggles.

Q. In a comment of yours on Sanhati pertaining to the debate on Kabir Kala Manch Defence Committee, you supported the opinion of how the state sometimes uses Civil society organisations as a co-opting tool. Would you like to elaborate on that?

A. My comment was in response to the debate that followed Advocate P. A. Sebastian’s opinion on ‘Co-option’. I thought that it was necessary to intervene as many comments advocated that Civil liberty organizations should further help bring rebels in the mainstream and surrender before the State. This is an extremely dangerous trend. Historically Civil liberties and democratic rights activists had a role in standing up for political activists and fighting for their freedoms, when they were arrested. Defense committees in the aftermath of the Telanghana struggles and during the Royal Indian Mutiny trials come from this tradition. If activists on their own accord choose to court arrest, civil society can then step in to defend their rights. However it would be wrong for Civil Society to act on behalf of the State to facilitate this act. This is a worrying trend.

Q. Can you briefly tell us about the history of progressive movements and activism in Maharashtra?

A. Historically two progressive movements have taken root in Maharashtra. One a strong anti- brahmin movement and the other emerging from the Socialist tradition. Communist movements had strong bases among the earlier industrial working classes. But this has declined down the years. The workers’ movements in Bombay started declining in the 1980s. The phase of militant trade unionism in 1980s can be described as a historic attempt for their survival against the assault of Capital which had other financial plans for Bombay.

The period of neo-liberal Globalization in Bombay saw a transition from Mills to Malls. This was also the phase that saw the rise and maturing of the right wing. With the Shiv Sena- BJP government in power major political events shaped city’s politics of the 1990s. One was the 1992-93 riots and the other was the slum demolition drives of 1996-97. Both changed the geography of the city and mindset of its inhabitants.

In Bombay, with the decline of its earlier working class movements, the landscape in activism is largely being dominated by NGOs. However there is a both a need and scope for newer forms of radical left politics to emerge, which could correctly address the issues of the people and also creatively defend itself from the onslaught of State repression. In the last ten years throughout the country, this repression has systematically destroyed all expressions of radical left in the cities.

On the other hand, in eastern Vidarbha, the existence and growth of the Naxal movement in Gondia and Gadchiroli despite severe repression remains a source of inspiration for every emerging generation.

Q. Do you see resistance growing stronger, in the wake of the aggressive neoliberal agenda being pursued by Modi government? How do you see the political landscape changing in the Modi era?

A. It should happen, but one cannot be too deterministic about such matters. It is not a strict one to one correspondence between degree of exploitation or oppression and the rise of peoples’ resistance. Although the latter is determined by the former, other factors too have a role to play. The emergence of the present government has created an umbrella like situation, under which all forms of reaction are offered patronage. Be it the killers of Narendra Dabholkar, the perpetrators of caste atrocities or the attacks on Minorities in the form of Love Jihad and Ghar Wapsi. Even defenders of the environment are perceived as anti-development and hence ant-national. These are some of the dangers that are emerging. This in fact is what the corporate ruling class wanted in getting this government in power. However even in this situation, possibilities of mass resistance are immense. There are opportunities for the radical left forces to forge broad alliances with other sections. Broad fronts against Brahminical Fascism, against displacement and against the attack on established Civil Rights are bound to be the future scenario of the Modi-era.

Arvind Kejriwal sworn-in as Delhi's CM, 6 cabinet ministers take oath too

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

New Delhi: Exactly a year after he resigned and went into near oblivion, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal took oath as Delhi’s chief minister again on Saturday at the Ramlila Maidan as tens of thousands of cheering supporters watched.

Others who took oath as ministers in Kejriwal’s cabinet were Manish Sisodia, Asim Ahmed Khan, Sandeep Kumar, Satyendra Jain, Gopal Rai and Jitendra Tomar.

Kejriwal will hold the portfolios of home, power and finance in the Delhi government.

The 46-year-old former civil servant’s AAP won all but three of the 70 seats in assembly election after pledges to tackle entrenched corruption and lower utility bills won over legions of working-class voters willing to give him another chance.

His first term as chief minister lasted just 49 days and ended in chaos a year ago, sparking accusations he was fleeing the tough job of administration.

A view of the crowd at Ramlila Maidan. Photo: Sandeep Saxena

Kejriwal’s confidant Manish Sisodia, the deputy chief minister in the new government, will be allotted the departments of urban development, public works and education.

Satyendra Jain, who was the health minister in the AAP’s earlier 49-day innings, will head the same ministry.

Gopal Rai, one of the four new faces in the seven-member ministry, will be the transport minister. He will also have charge of the labour department.

Sandeep Kumar will be the minister for women and child development. Jitender Tomar will be the new law minister. And Asim Ahmed Khan will be food and civil supplies minister.

The Ramlila ground, in the heart of Delhi, was spruced up thoroughly for Kejriwal, 46, and his ministers to take the oath of office and secrecy. Around 30,000 chairs were placed in neat columns almost till the end of the ground, which often hosts major political rallies.

Kejriwal travelled to the swearing-in ceremony by car and invited the whole city to attend, using radio announcements and social media.

Tens of thousands packed the sprawling Ramlila Maidan Kejriwal took oath.

Cheering AAP supporters started flocking to the ground in the heart of the capital right from the morning, and excitement ran high whenever a prominent party leader was spotted.

While most AAP activists and supporters were from Delhi, large numbers also came from other states, particularly neighbouring Haryana.

Thousands of police and paramilitary personnel deployed at the venue, which had a fresh look, had a tough time as the crowds began to swell just after 9am.

Many in the gathering waved the Indian tricolour and others the AAP flag. Many held large photographs of Kejriwal, who led the AAP to a thumping win in the Delhi assembly election, sweeping 67 of the 70 seats.

While the victory is yet to sink in and celebrations will continue days after the swearing-in ceremony, the AAP needs to keep a tab on what lies ahead, how it will tackle the issues it raised and fulfill promises it made in its election campaign.

After the huge mandate that the AAP got, it will have to go much beyond merely reducing power bills and providing free water or legislating its pet jan lokpal and swaraj bills. It will have to fulfill its long list of promises before people who catapulted it to the grand success become impatient.

The AAP’s earlier innings was marred by sit-ins, conflicts with public utilities and a power struggle with the Centre. This time Kejriwal and his team will have to negotiate their way around with a BJP-led government at the Centre over issues that became a source of tussle with the previous UPA government during AAP’s brief 49-day stint last year.

Full statehood for Delhi and state control of police have been among the AAP’s key demands, with protests by Kejriwal on the issue shutting down roads in the heart of the Capital during his previous term as chief minister.

Kejriwal seems to have started well by taking up the issue of statehood to Delhi with Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well as Union home minister Rajnath Singh and urban development minister Venkaiah Naidu.

He, along with senior party leader Manish Sisodia, met with PM Modi who assured them that the Centre will think on the issue of giving full statehood to Delhi.

Speaking to Singh, Kejriwal underlined the need for “constructive cooperation” between the Centre and the Delhi government and noted that political differences should not come in the way of taking the city forward.

Kejriwal’s government may also have to confront the Centre over the jurisdiction of the proposed jan lokpal and the city’s anti-corruption branch.

The AAP had tried to enact the jan lokpal bill and breathe life into the moribund anti-corruption wing during its brief stint last year. The face-off with the Centre after that led to Kejriwal quitting after just 49 days in power.

One of the early decisions of the Modi government in July last year was to strip Delhi’s anti-corruption branch – which reports to the chief minister – of its power to probe central agencies such as the Delhi Police, Delhi Development Authority and the municipal corporations, considered the hotbed of corruption.

The AAP had reacted strongly, accusing the Centre of making “a complete mockery of the anti-corruption mechanism in Delhi”.

This time as well the Capital is set to witness a tug-of-war with the Centre likely to insist on similarly truncated powers for the jan lokpal.

For a party born after the 2012 anti-corruption movement, there is no way Kejriwal will let the Centre’s decision go unchallenged, said an AAP leader.

He, however, added that the tone of confrontation would be different this time.

“We have the numbers and time on our side,” he said, adding that the party would use its “moral and political authority” to push for full statehood for the Capital.

The AAP’s victory comes at a time when Delhi’s neighbouring states are being governed by other parties and it will have to maintain cordial ties with them. Uttarakhand has a Congress government, Haryana has a BJP government and Uttar Pradesh has a Samajwadi Party government.

The recent statement by Haryana CM Manohar Lal Khattar that his water-deficit state alone should not be banked upon for meeting the water needs of Delhi is a pointer to a possible build-up of tension between the two state governments.

Then there are other issues which affect the common man and woman on a daily basis and the AAP has promised once again to provide free water, halve power bills and enforce a measure of discipline and restraint on Delhi Police.

The first thing the AAP plans to take up is cutting electricity costs and ordering an audit of power companies and will have to look for permanent solutions without shifting blame.

The party is committed to building 20 new colleges, 2 lakh public toilets and 47 fast-track courts, besides promising bus marshals, 5,000 new buses, 8 lakh jobs, 30,000 beds in hospitals, and free WiFi across the city. The two poll promises that the party intends to attend to on priority are women’s security and free WiFi.

Kejriwal’s second term needs to be more about governance and ensure that AAP will deliver on its promises made to the people of Delhi.

(Agencies)

'Supari journalism': When Arvind Kejriwal defeated the Indian media

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

In the run-up to polls,the AAP leader faced hostility from the TV channels, or was totally ignored by them.

by Rajdeep Sardesai

In the 2015 Delhi elections, Arvind Kejriwal didn’t just demolish his opposition: he also defeated the media. That might seem a strange thing to say since the general impression for a long time has been that Kejriwal and his AAP party are a creation of the media, and television news in particular. The fact is, February 2015 is not December 2013. Then, we couldn’t get enough of Kejriwal: he was popping in and out of TV studios and every move, every soundbite, was tracked with relentless energy.

“Would you do it with any other chief minister?” I recall Narendra Modi asking me once in a phone conversation. His concern was not unjustified. The so-called national television media essentially operates out of a small corner of Noida. So much easier to have OB vans parked outside Kejriwal’s residence in the vicinity than, let’s say, in distant Panaji. “I am also an aam admi chief minister, Manohar Parikkar told me in 2013, “but you won’t highlight that I also live a simple life because I am not in Delhi.” I have no doubt that Manik Sarkar living in distant Agartala would have had a similar grouse.

Yes, Kejriwal received disproportionate coverage in the build up to the 2013 elections. He was the new start-up, there was a buzz and excitement around him. He also had an astute media strategy and understood prime time television (his party has an unusually high proportion of journalists too in its ranks!) And then, there was the ill-fated dharna in January 2014 and suddenly the bubble was burst. “Anarchist” Kejriwal became the most common epithet we used to describe the man and AAP now became bad news.

Modi mania peaks

This was also around the time that Modi mania was beginning to peak. Television news couldn’t have enough of the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate in the run up to the 2014 general elections: every speech of his was covered live, often two and three a day. A Centre for Media Studies survey suggested that in this key election period around 70% of air time was hogged by Modi. The others, including Kejriwal and Rahul Gandhi, languished in single digits. The same media which had cheered the rise of Kejriwal towards the end of 2013 was now cheerleading the Bharatiya Janata Party’s mascot in his unstoppable ascent to 7 Race Course road.

But in the run-up to the 2015 elections, there was another twist. A large section of the media actually turned either openly hostile, or else totally ignored Kejriwal. The AAP leader began his comeback bid in October 2014 in near-anonymity: his initial Delhi dialogue had no live coverage, didn’t make Page One headlines. As he travelled across Delhi’s constituencies, there was no large media entourage tracking him. None of his speeches or press conferences got live coverage. Most were barely mentioned. Some channels took the extreme step of blanking him and his party out of their channels: AAP leaders were not to be called for studio discussions. This was “supari” journalism at its worst. By contrast, when Modi entered the Delhi campaign fray with a rally at Ram Lila maidan in January, most channels devoted 24 x 7 coverage to the event.

Fresh wind

Modi was clearly still box office; Kejriwal was not. It changed a little bit in the last fortnight of the campaign as we began to sniff the changing air. The political hawa was changing and, typically, the media was beginning to feel the shifting mood. Suddenly, Kejriwal interviews were back on prime time and on the front page. And yet, the fact is, right till the end of the campaign, every prime minister rally was live but no Kejriwal speech was given similar prominence. Most exit pollsters were cautious in predicting a Kejriwal win. Some fly by night operators even suggested that the BJP was level pegging and in some cases even in the lead (I do hope these truly “bazaroo” pollsters are held accountable).

In the end, none of it mattered. AAP won an astounding 67 of 70 seats, one of the biggest victories in the history of Indian elections. The mainstream media’s ambivalence to Kejriwal didn’t matter. The AAP leader had gone over our heads, effectively used social media, but most importantly, gone directly to those who really mattered: the voter! Pompous editors, noisy anchors and a corporatised media ownership had all been defeated. In a democracy, we in the media are only the surround sound: the actual power in the end rests with the real aam admi. As they would tell you on the streets of Delhi, Janata janardhan!

This article first appeared on Rajdeep Sardesai’s website.

Cricket World Cup 2015: New Zealand beat Sri Lanka in opener

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

Co-hosts New Zealand got off to a winning start with a 98-run victory over Sri Lanka in the opening match of the World Cup in Christchurch.

by James Gheerbrant, BBC

Captain Brendon McCullum struck 65 off 49 balls as the Black Caps put on a rapid 111 for the first wicket.

Kane Williamson added a composed 57 before Corey Anderson blasted 75 off 46 balls to help the hosts to an imposing total of 331-6 from their 50 overs.

In reply, Sri Lanka subsided to 233 all out, with Daniel Vettori taking 2-34.

New Zealand, who play England next, are one of the favourites for this tournament, and this powerful performance underlined why they are so highly-rated.

Put in under grey skies, the hosts immediately attacked the Sri Lanka bowlers with some explosive hitting in the first powerplay.

Williamson recorded his 13th fifty in his last 17 ODIs, before Anderson, playing in his home city, helped New Zealand to add a crucial 102 in the final 10 overs.

Sri Lanka reached the final of the last World Cup, but they will have to improve on this performance in order to challenge at this tournament.

Influential seamer Lasith Malinga was disappointing, conceding 84 runs in 10 wicketless overs.

Sri Lanka’s chase began well, with opener Lahiru Thirimanne hitting 65, but was soon derailed by the pace of Trent Boult and the spin of Vettori.

They collapsed from 124-1 to 168-6, with Boult, Adam Milne and Vettori, who reversed his retirement from ODIs last year, capturing two wickets each, and their innings never recovered.

They will hope for a rapid return to form when they face Afghanistan on Saturday.

Karnataka: Siddaramaiah reverses stand, to fight next election

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

Photo: The New Indian Express

Bengaluru: Karnataka chief minister, Siddaramaiah, who had announced in different forums that the previous election was his last in his political career, and had declared his decision never to fight any election henceforth during election campaigning in 2013, has taken a U-turn.

He has now announced his decision to fight the next assembly election in 2018.

‘During the next three years three months, I will continue to be the chief minister of the state and complete my full term. The next election will also be held under my leadership. I have taken this decision because of the blabber of the BJP to free the state and country of Congress. I will bring Congress to power again the state by fighting the next election with the
single aim of rooting out BJP,’ he stated.

Siddaramaiah’s outbursts came while giving reply to the debate held during the last one week at the assembly on Governor’s address on Friday February 13.

The chief minister agreed that he had in the past announced his decision not to fight elections. He said he has decided to fight the election with the sole purpose of edging BJP out of the state.

(Agencies)

AAP govt to pursue corruption charges against Sheila Dikshit, Mukesh Ambani

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

File Photo

New Delhi: Delhi’s AAP government to be sworn in today will pursue allegations of corruption against ex-Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit and industrialist Mukesh Ambani and others, Deputy Chief Minister-designate Manish Sisodia said today.

All the cases that were registered last year during Kejriwal government’s 49-day stint “will be pursued”, he told PTI in an exclusive interview here.

Sisodia, who had been asked whether the FIRs lodged by the AAP government last year against Mukesh Ambani, the then Petroleum Minister M Veerappa Moily as also allegations against Dikshit would be pursued, responded “yes, definitely”.

The then Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal had ordered filing of an FIR on February 11 last year against Moily, his predecessor Murli Deora, who is dead now, and RIL Chief Mukesh Ambani for alleged collusion in hike of prices in natural gas from the KG basin.

The then AAP government had also ordered a probe into street light purchase scam during the Commonwealth Games of 2010 in which Dikshit’s role had come under the scanner.

Sisodia said the AAP government will “revive” the cases that have been put in cold storage and take them to a “logical conclusion”. On its key poll promise of slashing power tariff by 50 per cent, Sisodia said it would be done “as soon as possible”.

Alleging wide-spread corruption in the power sector, Sisodia said the new government would force the power distribution companies to give all their financial details to the CAG that is probing their accounts.

The CAG audit into the finances of the private power distribution companies was ordered by the Kejriwal government last year.

In its manifesto, AAP had promised to cut power tariff by 50 per cent immediately after coming to power and said the rates will be revised based on the findings of the CAG audit.

“CAG audit into the discoms is already going on. We will force them to give all the details to the CAG,” Sisodia said.

Sisodia said the AAP government will also soon announce 20 kilolitres (20,000 litres) of free water to every household per month as per its promise. The previous AAP government had introduced the free water scheme but it was discontinued after it quit.

“We will bring back the free water scheme which was discontinued after we quit the government as water is basic right,” he said.

Asked how the new AAP government will tackle the ‘VIP culture’ of ‘lal battis’, he said “all the Ministers will ride ordinary cars”.

“Not even the Chief Minister will use red-beacon or hooters on his official car. The AAP government will be a government of simplicity. The Ministers may avail government accomodation but not huge bungalows. They will take normal salary and will not travel with huge security contingents,” he said.

On the statehood issue, Sisodia said the AAP government will soon approach the Centre with a “concrete proposal” in this regard and noted that both Congress and BJP had promised to grant Delhi full-statehood.

Insisting that police must be brought under the Delhi government, he said said the Centre can continue to handle security for Lutyens’ Delhi.

“Lutyens’ Bungalow Zone can continue to stay under the Centre. But is it possible for the Prime Minister or Home Minister to take care of law and order in places like East Delhi. Police must come under the Delhi government,” Sisodia said.

Asked whether the issue was raised with Prime Minister Narendra Modi when he and Kejriwal met him yesterday, Sisodia said it was not a meeting to discuss the issue threadbare.

“I am sure we will soon have concrete discussion on it. Yesterday, we briefly discussed and the Prime Minister said ‘let us see what can be done’,” he said.

The BJP in its manifesto for 2013 assembly polls had promised full statehood for Delhi. The party had come out with a vision document for the February 7 assembly polls which did not find any mention of the statehood issue.

In its manifesto, AAP had promised to push for full statehood for Delhi if it came to power.

Sisodia said the AAP government would want a “constructive relationship” with the Centre.

“We will expect constructive relationship with them. We welcome competitive politics for the development of Delhi,” he said.

Asked about criticism against Kejriwal by Shanti Bhushan, he said “being critical is not a big thing and individuals are not important”.

On whether AAP will contest the Bihar assembly polls, he said the party’s Political Affairs Committee will take a call on the issue.

(PTI)

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AAP govt to pursue corruption charges against Sheila Dikshit, Mukesh Ambani

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