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You are here: Home / Archives for Maoist

Maoists kidnap three TDP leaders in Andhra

October 6, 2015 by Nasheman

vishakpatnam

Visakhapatnam: Maoists on Tuesday kidnapped three TDP leaders in Visakhapatnam district in Andhra Pradesh.

The leaders of the ruling Telugu Desam Party (TDP) were abducted in a tribal belt in north coastal Andhra, police said.

They include TDP mandal president M. Balaiah, district executive committee member M. Mahesh and V. Balaiah.

The Communist Party of India-Maoist sent a letter to locals saying the kidnapping were in protest against bauxite mining in the agency area.

The Maoists oppose mining in the region.

The Maoist outfit has called for a week-long shutdown in Andhra-Odisha border area from October 7.

(IANS)

Filed Under: India Tagged With: Andhra Pradesh, Maoist, Telugu Desam Party, Visakhapatnam district

Full text of Kobad Ghandy's letter to the press explaining why he has gone on an indefinite fast

June 3, 2015 by Nasheman

Kobad Ghandy

Kobad Ghandy, who was arrested in Delhi in 2009 on charges of being a member of the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist), has been on hunger strike in Tihar Jail since Saturday to protest what he has described as harassment by the authorities.

Sixty eight-year-old Ghandy said that the jail authorities had transferred him three times between different wards of the jail  over the past nine months in what he viewed as a bid to target his failing health. He says that he suffers from a heart problem, blood pressure, a slipped disc, arthritis and a kidney condition, among other illnesses.

He has been booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and Indian Penal Code for a variety of offences, including impersonation, cheating and forgery. He is facing trial in 20 other cases around the country.

Ghandy had been arrested from Bhikaji Kama place in Delhi in September 2009. At the time of his arrest, he had been undergoing treatment for a kidney ailment. His lawyers alleged that he had been illegally detained and tortured for four days before he was officially shown as arrested.

In March, an additional sessions judge in Delhi had directed the jail superintendent to facilitate medical treatment for the ailing Ghandy.

An unlikely rebel

Ghandy was born into a wealthy Parsi family, which owned an ice cream factory, among other businesses. He studied in Doon School and Mumbai’s St Xavier’s College before heading to London to study chartered accountancy. It was in London that he first saw Marxist groups fighting racism and got attracted to the ideology. After returning to India in the 1970s, he began working with tribals and the rural poor in various parts of the country. He was a member of the Maoist People’s War Group but claims he was expelled from it in 1987.

In a letter to the director of the National Human Rights Commission in November 2011, Gandhi appealed that he should be treated like a political prisoner and not a convicted criminal., “In the entire chargesheet there is no charge of violence,” he said. “There is no charge of any criminal activity or criminal intent, which is normally accompanied with charges under the UAPA. I have merely been put behind bars for my views and my work amongst the poor, who comprise 80% of our people.”

He added, “Incidentally the views (Maoist or Marxist) are not banned and freely available!”

This is the full text of Kobad Ghandy’s statement, released on June 1.

“I am 68 years and I have spent five and a half years in Tihar with the Delhi case nearing completion. Though routine (3 to 5 months) transfers of High Risk Ward prisoners have been going on for 4 years, I was subjected to this only from August ’14. This is the third time in 9 months. Earlier, jail transfers were done only as a form of punishment.

I have a heart problem, B.P., slip disc, arthritis, spondylitis, kidney, and numerous other health problems – all of which are increasing specifically after August ’14.

While transferring we have to carry our bags ourselves (some 10-15 kg) go through set of detailed searches of all items, made to hang around at the jail gates for 4-5 hours waiting for the transport, packed like sardines with baggage into a single van and taken to the new jail gate.

In the two more detailed searches, again to carry all items ourselves to the ward etc. One has to go through mulaaza (medical check) done for a new entrant. Then a scramble for cells, with the later arrivals getting the worst. Then at least 2-3 days goes in cleaning the filthy cell and arranging the baggage (no help given).

In the new jail all medical treatment gets interrupted, medical diet and other permissions have to be applied anew as also the bed and western toilet. This can take from a few days to months. Also, the Vodaphone facility has to be started anew. Barely has one settled in, and adjusted with the new lot of criminals (some of whom can be pretty nasty) when the next transfer comes and the whole process repeated.

The May 30th transfer [was] done in the midst of examination for a heart problem at the GB Pant Hospital.

Since the 2012 High Court order to Tihar to take better care of Senior Citizens (above 65), I have been applying to be put in the Senior Citizens’ ward, or given similar facilities in the High Risk ward – but to no avail. On the contrary, while at first they never transferred me, they resorted to this since Aug ’14, obviously as a method of harassment and to destroy my health.

As all the appeals, on both humanitarian and legal grounds have been ignored, I, as a last resort, have had to go on an indefinite hunger strike since the last transfer on May 30th.”

Kobad Ghandy
Tihar Jail 8/9
High Risk Ward (Ward 5)

Filed Under: India Tagged With: Kobad Ghandy, Maoism, Maoist

Four policemen die as Maoists trigger blast in Chhattisgarh

April 13, 2015 by Nasheman

dandewada

Dantewada: Four policemen were killed and seven injured on Monday when Maoists triggered a massive explosion in Chhattisgarh’s Dantewada district, police said.

The terror strike took place just hours after a trooper was killed when armed Maoists attacked a BSF camp in Chhattisgarh’s Kanker district.

In the latest attack, four Chhattisgarh Armed Forces (CAF) personnel were killed and seven others were wounded in the deafening blast that targeted their anti-landmine vehicle.

The attack took place at Cholnar camp of the CAF in Dantewada district, some 400 km south of state capital Raipur.

“It’s a massive blast. I guess it could be about 50 kg IED (Improvised Explosive Device) used to trigger a blast near a bridge. The anti-landmine vehicle was shaken up by the blast and 4 CAF jawans succumbed to injuries,” Kamal Lochan Kashyap, superintendent of police, Dantewada, told reporters at the attack site.

The policemen were returning back to the Cholnar camp after area domination drive. The injured policemen were rushed to NMDC Ltd-owned hospital at Bacheli.

Chhattisgarh has witnessed a string of attacks since April 11.

(Agencies)

Filed Under: India Tagged With: Chhattisgarh, Maoist

NHRC issues notice to Kerala government on the arrest of human rights defenders

March 4, 2015 by Nasheman

Thushar Nirmal Sarathy Jaison Cooper

New Delhi: The National Human Rights Commission has taken suo motu cognizance of a media report that the Kerala Government was targeting human rights defenders and rights activists by labeling them as ‘Maoists sympathizers’.

Human rights defenders and advocates Tushar Nirmal Sarathy and Jaison C. Cooper had been arrested under Unlawful Activities Prevention Act in Kerala and were in jail since the 30th January, 2015. While Jaison was arrested from Cochin on the 29th January, 2015, Tushar was arrested after a press conference in Kozhikode on the same day.

The Commission has observed that the contents of the press report, if true, raise a serious issue of violation of human rights of human rights defenders. It has issued a notice to the Director General of Police, Kerala calling for a report within two weeks.

Reportedly, both Tushar and Jaison were actively engaged in peasants’ struggles against land acquisition, illegal rock quarrying, forcible evictions, and the violation of labour rights of migrant workers in Kerala as well as struggles against various polluting industries.

Filed Under: Human Rights, India Tagged With: Human rights, Jaison C Cooper, Kerala, Maoist, NHRC, Rights, Thushar Nirmal Sarathy

Political prisoners and activism in the current dispensation – An interview with Arun Ferreira

February 14, 2015 by Nasheman

Arun Ferreira. Photo: IE

Arun Ferreira. Photo: IE

Arun Ferreira is a political activist based in Maharashtra. He was arrested in 2007 by the anti Naxal force on the charges of being an alleged Maoist. He was subsequently granted bail in 2012 and acquitted of all charges by various courts in January 2014. His book on his prison experiences titled – ‘Colours of Cage’ was released in 2014.

He continues to be politically active and has been since then associated with issues concerning rights of political prisoners. Through this interview we seek to talk about his current work as a political activist, his views on issues pertaining to incarceration of political activists in Maharashtra, as well as on issues concerning radical left and left movements in Maharashtra and India.

by Neeraja and Prathamesh, Sanhati

Q. Can you tell us something about your current work?

A. I’m currently helping a few organizations working on prisoners’ rights and with lawyers in cases pertaining to incarcerated political activists. I’m also studying law.

Q: Can you tell us more about cases in Mumbai regarding the arrest of political activists in which you have been helping with their defense?

A: Some of these activists implicated are Angela Sontakke, Sushma Ramtekke, Jyothi Chorge, Nandini Bhagat, Anuradha Sonule, Siddharth Bhonsle and Deepak Dengle. The first five of them are from Vidarbha and a few had been earlier implicated and made accused in a conspiracy case regarding the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch in Chandrapur. Siddarth and Deepak were members of the Kabir Kala Manch in Pune. The State has been attempting to project the Kabir Kala Manch as a Maoist Front organization and hence this case. The second batch of prisoners namely Sheetal Sathe, Sachin Mali, Sagar Gorke and Ramesh Ghaichore were later on arrested in this case. All of the accused except Angela, Sachin, Ramesh and Sagar are presently on bail.

It has been the traditional tactic of the state when arresting political activists to frame a criminal conspiracy in such cases. In this case, all are accused of membership and association with the CPI(Maoist), an organization deemed terrorist and thus banned under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). These accusations are made on basis of possession of books and other literature.

Q. Is guilt then proven by association?

A. The UAPA allows for the determination of guilt on the basis of association and ideology. This is inconsistent with existing constitutional provisions of freedom of expression, ideology or association. The Supreme Court thus rightly concluded in the Arup Bhuyan and Indra Das judgements that mere passive membership in a banned organization does not make a person guilty. In that case the accused were allegedly members of a banned organization i.e. the ULFA. The Bombay High Court further developed on this interpretation while granting bail to Jyothi Chorge and others. But subsequent bail applications for Angela, Sachin, Ramesh and Sagar were not successful although the defence claimed parity in the application of the HC judgment. Many a time bail is granted on the subjective opinions of the presiding judge of the Bench.

Q. How does UAPA play a role here?

A.  The list of banned organization, which is referred under UAPA schedule, mentions that ‘CPI(Maoist) and all its fronts’ are banned. It is a rule in interpretation of statutes, that penal laws including any such list should be precisely worded. The question of an organisation being ‘a front’ is determined by an act of the armed forces or Intelligence agencies rather than concrete evidence. This determination allows organizations like the Kabir Kala Manch, or even National Civil Liberties organizations to be easily branded as Maoist fronts. It also makes this determination a subjective  whim of the police authority or the political bosses in power to declare any social and political organization as a front. Similar to the logic of how Greenpeace is now considered as anti-national by the IB. But here it is even more dangerous as such a determination causes a person to be detained for years on end.

Existing law allows for ‘abettors’ and ‘conspirators’ of an offence to be made culpable. However UAPA by determining guilt by association further stretches this interpretation of who is an abettor or co-conspirator. The use of law is such that many find themselves slapped with these charges, without concrete grounds of them being involved in a specific offence or an act of violence.

Q. How is membership of an organisation established in courts?

A. It is usually done by the means of establishing ideological moorings which in turn is often established by possession of books or computer files. Surrendered Naxalites are also used to give statements against the accused to prove membership or association. Under the Government’s Surrender policy, such persons will not be arrested or tried for offences they have committed on the condition that they co-operate with the police agencies. This so-called co-operation implies acting on the directions of the police authorities and fabricating statements as per their wishes. This makes their testimonies in court highly suspect.

Q. Can you tell us about arrests under UAPA in Maharashtra in recent times?

A. In Maharashtra, there are three types of arrests under UAPA. One would be those muslims arrested in blast cases, whether involved or falsely implicated. Secondly persons arrested for association with Naxalism. These primarily consists of Adivasis and Dalits. And lastly, some members of Hindu fascists associations such as Abhinav Bharat and Sanathan Sansthan. In Western Maharashtra, most of the political prisoner cases are on Muslims, with a comparatively few of Naxal related cases. In Vidarbha (Eastern Maharahtra) on the other hand, the bulk of the cases are Naxal related.

Recently in September 2014, Arun Bhelke and his wife Kanchan were arrested in Pune under charges of Naxalism. Arun Bhelke was the president of the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch, a youth organization in Chandrapur and a co-accused in one of my cases. Subsequent to these arrests police authorities started harassing activists of other mass organizations. This is the modus operandi of the State vis-à-vis suppressing organizations they perceive as a threat.

Q. How do you see the difference between the terror accused and those accused of being Naxalites?

A. Muslims arrested in terror related cases are tortured and treated more brutally. The anti-minority bias of the State is apparent in such treatment. They are sometimes even prevented in arranging lawyers for their defense— a direct violation of their fundamental rights. Innocent victims in all such cases, many a time fail to complain against such brutality and speak up in court. On the other hand, activists, whether members of SIMI or mass organizations alleged to be associated with Naxalism have always boldly defended their rights both before the Court and in prisons. They have historically been the leaders of prison hunger strikes and struggles.

Q. In a comment of yours on Sanhati pertaining to the debate on Kabir Kala Manch Defence Committee, you supported the opinion of how the state sometimes uses Civil society organisations as a co-opting tool. Would you like to elaborate on that?

A. My comment was in response to the debate that followed Advocate P. A. Sebastian’s opinion on ‘Co-option’. I thought that it was necessary to intervene as many comments advocated that Civil liberty organizations should further help bring rebels in the mainstream and surrender before the State. This is an extremely dangerous trend. Historically Civil liberties and democratic rights activists had a role in standing up for political activists and fighting for their freedoms, when they were arrested. Defense committees in the aftermath of the Telanghana struggles and during the Royal Indian Mutiny trials come from this tradition. If activists on their own accord choose to court arrest, civil society can then step in to defend their rights. However it would be wrong for Civil Society to act on behalf of the State to facilitate this act. This is a worrying trend.

Q. Can you briefly tell us about the history of progressive movements and activism in Maharashtra?

A. Historically two progressive movements have taken root in Maharashtra. One a strong anti- brahmin movement and the other emerging from the Socialist tradition. Communist movements had strong bases among the earlier industrial working classes. But this has declined down the years. The workers’ movements in Bombay started declining in the 1980s. The phase of militant trade unionism in 1980s can be described as a historic attempt for their survival against the assault of Capital which had other financial plans for Bombay.

The period of neo-liberal Globalization in Bombay saw a transition from Mills to Malls. This was also the phase that saw the rise and maturing of the right wing. With the Shiv Sena- BJP government in power major political events shaped city’s politics of the 1990s. One was the 1992-93 riots and the other was the slum demolition drives of 1996-97. Both changed the geography of the city and mindset of its inhabitants.

In Bombay, with the decline of its earlier working class movements, the landscape in activism is largely being dominated by NGOs. However there is a both a need and scope for newer forms of radical left politics to emerge, which could correctly address the issues of the people and also creatively defend itself from the onslaught of State repression. In the last ten years throughout the country, this repression has systematically destroyed all expressions of radical left in the cities.

On the other hand, in eastern Vidarbha, the existence and growth of the Naxal movement in Gondia and Gadchiroli despite severe repression remains a source of inspiration for every emerging generation.

Q.  Do you see resistance growing stronger, in the wake of the aggressive neoliberal agenda being pursued by Modi government? How do you see the political landscape changing in the Modi era?

A. It should happen, but one cannot be too deterministic about such matters. It is not a strict one to one correspondence between degree of exploitation or oppression and the rise of peoples’ resistance. Although the latter is determined by the former, other factors too have a role to play. The emergence of the present government has created an umbrella like situation, under which all forms of reaction are offered patronage. Be it the killers of Narendra Dabholkar, the perpetrators of caste atrocities or the attacks on Minorities in the form of Love Jihad and Ghar Wapsi. Even defenders of the environment are perceived as anti-development and hence ant-national. These are some of the dangers that are emerging. This in fact is what the corporate ruling class wanted in getting this government in power. However even in this situation, possibilities of mass resistance are immense. There are opportunities for the radical left forces to forge broad alliances with other sections. Broad fronts against Brahminical Fascism, against displacement and against the attack on established Civil Rights are bound to be the future scenario of the Modi-era.

Filed Under: Human Rights, India Tagged With: Arun Ferreira, Books, Colours of the Cage, Maoist, Memoir, Muslims, Naxal, Prison, UAPA, Undertrials

Maoists gun down 13 CRPF troopers in Chhattisgarh

December 2, 2014 by Nasheman

Maoists-CRPF-Chhattisgarh

Sukma: Maoists Monday gunned down 13 CRPF troopers engaged in an operation aimed at flushing out the rebels from a thickly forested area of Chhattisgarh, police sources said.

The deadly attack, the worst in months, also killed two officers – a deputy commandant and an assistant commandant of the Central Reserve Police Force.

The incident took place near Chintagufa area in Sukma district, Additional Director General of Police R.K. Vij told IANS. “We have suffered a major casualty.”

The Maoists fire indiscriminately from all sides at a joint contingent of the CRPF and Chhattisgarh Police. “Suddenly there was heavy firing from almost everywhere,” Vij told IANS.

He said the security forces were engaged in a major combing operation when the Maoists sprayed bullets.

The attack site is about 500 km south of capital Raipur. The area is cut off from all communication networks.

Officials at the state police headquarters said Chintagufa was a den of Maoists where they have had several major hideouts since the 1990s.

One officer said the security forces were often scared to carry out anti-Maoist operations in the area.

“The casualty is basically due to lack of solid intelligence,” said a CRPF officer posted at Sukma’s Dornapal base camp.

“We failed to know that Maoists had assembled in hundreds in the area with sophisticated weapons to take on the CRPF.

“But we have to admit that getting specific intelligence in the insurgent-commanded jungle war zone has always been a difficult task,” the officer told IANS.

The attack site is part of Bastar region that is spread out over 40,000 square km. In almost the entire forested interiors, the rebels run a parallel government.

In the past six months the insurgents had come under heavy pressure from both the paramilitary troopers and the state police.

(IANS)

Filed Under: India Tagged With: Chhattisgarh, CRPF, Maoist, Sukma

Inside the Anda Cell: Excerpts from Arun Ferreira’s Prison Memoir

October 14, 2014 by Nasheman

Book excerpts from Arun Ferreira Colours of the Cage: A Prison Memoir

From 28 May to 14 June 2007, I was slapped with five more cases relating to Naxalite violence in Gondia, a district about 150 kilometres from Nagpur. Gondia and especially Gadchiroli, the other district lying at the extreme end of Maharashtra, are areas of intense Maoist activity. In almost all of Gadchiroli and parts of Gondia, armed Naxal squads have fought the police and paramilitary forces with support from the local tribals and peasants. This is in keeping with the Maoist strategy to establish revolutionary centres in rural areas in the hope of eventually growing to seize power throughout the country. It is no coincidence that these districts are also among the poorest areas in Maharashtra. In 2011, Gadchiroli had the lowest ranking on the state’s Human Development Index.

Arun Ferreira

The five new cases allowed the police to get me back into their custody for another twenty-three days, till 19 June. I was shifted to Amgaon, a police station in the interiors of Gondia, where I was subjected to more sleep deprivation, harassment and interrogation. This time though, I was fortunate to get away relatively lightly. But my co-accused were not so lucky. The police, under the direct supervision of the sub-divisional police officer, a man named Korate, injected petrol into the rectums of two of them. A couple of staff lifted their legs while an inspector infiltrated the 20 ml of petrol into their bodies. The vapours of gasoline burned the intestine linings, which resulted in agonizing days of anal bleeding, blood clots and continuous belching. I wonder how Korate knew that exactly 20 ml of petrol would cause such enormous pain yet not kill. Such knowledge could only have been acquired by some sort of training. Ashok Reddy did manage to complain to the court about this. However the state-appointed doctor, obviously a friend of Korate’s, diagnosed Ashok’s condition as piles and exonerated the officer and his accomplices.

I was, for reasons best known to them, protected from such treatment. The police would come by to interrogate me every couple of days—whenever they got a list of questions from a superior. When I didn’t reply to their first question, they never got further down the list, and that’s where the torture would start.

‘Arre, Bajirao ko bulao,’ the inspector would call.

A narrow belt attached to a wooden handle would be brought in by a constable—an implement that policemen across Maharashtra fondly call ‘Bajirao’. It takes its name from Peshwa Baji Rao, a lieutenant of Shahu Maharaj, a ruler who is credited with greatly expanding the Maratha Empire. Maharashtra’s police personnel, largely dominated by the Maratha caste, find this instrument similarly trustworthy. The Bajirao belt was deployed carefully, only on the palms or soles of the feet. When whipped, the cluster of nerves at the heel pad causes enormous pain but displays no external injuries, so I wouldn’t have any proof if I tried to complain to a magistrate. However, doctors know that such foot whipping can cause permanent nerve damage. It reduces the elasticity of the heel pad causing agonizing aches, especially on cold nights, for years afterwards. Such torture, though not so visible to the naked eye, leads to irreversible harm to the body.

Once in a while, often due to the inexperience or over enthusiasm of the torturer, this permanent damage extends to death. No wonder Maharashtra still retains its privileged position of having the highest number of custodial deaths in India. It recorded 22 in 2011, way ahead of Gujarat, which came next with 7 deaths. Invariably, the government’s National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) attributes these deaths to natural causes or to suicide. People like Korate and his seniors are never held responsible.


Book-Colours-of-The-Cage_A-Prison-MemoirMuslims are represented in prison in greater proportion than in the outside world. In Maharashtra, they account for 36 per cent of the prison population, whereas in society their share is 10.6 per cent. Muslim festivals in prison are important events. During the Ramzan fast, entire barracks are emptied out to accommodate Muslims. Food is served in these barracks at timings suitable for their roza, and prison authorities sell fruit and dates during this month. For those in cellular confinement like the anda barrack, such community gatherings are not allowed. However the cries of the azaan and the sharing of iftaar delicacies lend a festive air to even the anda.

In my section of the phasi yard, Asghar was the only Muslim inmate. He was allegedly a co-conspirator of Javed (who was in the anda) in setting off blasts on the Mumbai rail tracks. Before he was arrested, Asghar Kadar Shaikh, a resident of Mumbai, had worked part-time as an auto-rickshaw driver and the rest of the time as a florist. In jail, he worked as gardener in the compound surrounding the phasi yard. He was also entrusted with the job of keeping the gallows clean, oiled and functioning. Despite the grim task he was expected to do, he was extremely friendly and witty. He always had a unique take on the world around him, and made for good conversation in the yard.

‘Prisons will improve only if election rules are changed,’ Asghar would often philosophize.

‘How come?’

‘Once prisoners are allowed to vote, politicians will then pay heed to our needs.’

‘You mean, inmates can’t vote? But isn’t that a fundamental right?’

‘Not for us. Hum voting kar nahin sakte lekin chunav ladh sakte,’ he answered. (We couldn’t vote but we could stand for elections.) He explained how Section 62(5) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 disqualifies any imprisoned person, whether awaiting trial or convicted, from voting. However, Section 8 and Section 11A of the same act allowed undertrials and convicted persons under certain offences with sentences less than two years to contest elections.

‘Dekho,’ he went on, ‘in slums or villages, the needs of the poor are only fulfilled during general elections. We need to become a vote bank. Politicians would then value our voice and improve prison conditions.’

‘But such change will be superficial and short-termed, much like charity.’

‘Sahi hai,’ he’d continue, ‘but it will still be an improvement.’

Debates and discussions with Asghar would continue for days. He often articulated his preference for a death sentence to being imprisoned for his whole natural life. An instant death would immediately end the suffering of his family. It would, he held, allow them to start life afresh.

By June 2008, the number of us in the yard branded as terrorists started increasing. We got three more Muslim boys, Sajid Ansari, Muzzamil Sheikh and Majid Shafi, who had been arrested in 2006 and were accused of planting bombs in a Mumbai train that year. They had been thrashed by the prison authorities in Mumbai and arrived with multiple fractures and bruises. Sajid and Majid were young fathers who had only enjoyed a few months of parenthood before they were arrested. Muzzamil was still unmarried. The three were deeply religious and adherents of Ahl al-Hadeeth, believers in the strict interpretation of the Koran. Sajid and Muzzamil were residents of Mumbai and had earlier been members of SIMI. We had intense discussions on politics and Islam. They despised the Indian state’s treatment of Muslims and would never fail to express their views passionately. I had hoped to learn Urdu from Sajid, who was an excellent calligrapher and now regret having failed. Majid, on the other hand, was a romantic. He’d often speak about his family, his baby girl and the football he missed in Kolkata. From our discussions it became evident that Sajid, Muzzamil and most of their numberkaari were arrested merely because of their previous allegiance to SIMI. Majid, on the other hand, was implicated in the concocted police story because he lived close to the Bangladesh border. All of them faced the Herculean task of defending themselves from being convicted of a crime that had left 209 dead and over 700 injured. The well-oiled gallows haunted them daily.

You can order the book online here.

Filed Under: Books Tagged With: Arun Ferreira, Books, Colours of the Cage, Maoist, Memoir, Muslims, Naxal, Prison, Undertrials

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