Communalism – Page 6

Riot effected Trilokpuri fact finding team report by NCHRO

December 5, 2014 by Nasheman

After the riots in Gujarat communal riots has taken a different mode in the country. Now, instead of rioting at mass level sponsored are made on a small scale. Then used for disturb the communal harmony. Recent trilokpuri incidence was not communal. But it was later given communal color. For this incidence only BJP is not responsible but every one playes his roll in it. Who had stoped the Congress and AAP to handle the situation? And AAP also did not take any platonic stand in this matter.

Riot Effected Trilok Puri Report

Fact Finding Team Members: Ansar Indori, Siddique kappan, Sunil Kumar

Date:- 30, 31 Oct. and 3 Nov. 2014

Delhi:- In 1976 Triloke Puri J J Coloney had been rehabilated after removing the slum jhuggi area of Ashram, Moti Bagh, Dhoula Kuan, INA, Lajpat Nagar, Kanchan Pari etc. There are 36 blocks in Trilokpuri. 500 houses had been allotted in every block . This area also effected in anti sikh riots 1984 and near about 250 peple from sikh community had been killed. Localitie’s current elected MLA is from AAP and MP from BJP.

There was a commotion in block 20 after a verbal spat on October 22, 2014, which these communal outfits spread into entire neighborhood. It’s said that the sparking incident of this fight was about drinking and consuming beef near the Mata ki Chowki installed temporarily.

There is a public park (Central Park) in block 20 where the garbage of block 20 dump. There was a toilet 5 or 6 years back at same place. Last year a Jagran was organized here and on 31 Oct. 2014 it was second time. First time after cleaning the garbage Mata ki Chouki placed for 37 or 38 days here.

It’s been said by hindu residents that after drinking alcohol Rizwan passed the urin at Mata ki Chouki, when we resist, then he began to abuse and slapped a boy. There were 10-15 youths standing in block, having talk with them Gourav Talwar tells that Samir Jain sitiing in the car with his friends and having a drink and Seenk Kabab. Samir has two Santro car with taxi No. he took them.

After passing 10-15 minuts stone pelting was started from Babloo’s home. Police arrived but unable to do anything, then heavy stone pelting began to start.

Gourav (Complainant) and five others (4 Hindus & 2 Muslims) were arrested by the police on 24 Oct. but after 2 days ACP released them on 10,000 personal bond. Further Gourav stated that he and his brother joint with RSS, when police arrested them his brother called acquaintance joint commissioner (After asking the name of that Joint CP, who was from outside of Delhi, Emphasizing mind he disclosed his name Rathor Sahab.) who was in Triloke Puri Police Station that time, and he said to Gourav’s brother that, ‘’if you earlier informed me, I could manage here but now Kalandara (case Report) prepared. There is no such a big case, ACP will release on bail.

When asked the Gourave that how a little quarrel spread to other places? he replied that this time Hindus were united. We asked that, be united so quikely that next day stone pelting in other blocks started? He told us two facts, first due to Mata ki Chouki friends came from other localities, as friends organized Ganesh Puja in block 18, I used to go there, and they also want to organize Mata ki Chouki, but we refused for this year and conviced them to organized next year. Due to this unity riot spread. Until today we were being beaten up. Second point he stated that an announcement was made from Mousque of block 27 that ‘all muslims are being killed, get all the muslim brother together.’ Further he said that there is central park in block 20, in which children could play cricket but captured by muslims only. No any Hindu can go in this park. Asking the population ratio of Hindus & Muslims he replied that there are 65% Hidus and 35% Muslims. He introduce himself as a minority and said that there are 8 house from the Punjabi community.

There are 95-96% Muslims in sector 27. and there is a road between 27 and 35 blocks, on this road, a heavey stone pelting was reported on the eve of 24 Oct. and 25 Oct. Babbi a resident of block 35 stays on first floor of his house and he is running a grossery shop under his home, stated that stones and bricks were pelted between 27 and 28 blocks. Which were taken after breaking drain’s wall. Few stones were also hit at my shop. We were afraid and hide in the house, even unable to looking outside. We had to bear a big loss due to 6 days closing the shops.

A resident of Block 27, 60 years old Israr khan belongs to Pathan community and retired from Electricity Dept. (DESU) in 2005. After retirement he opened a 3 story garments & shoes shop, in which his 8 workers with his two sons worked there. Israr khan’s shop was burnt at 4 AM on 25 Oct. on which Israr khan invested his whole income and 40 lakhs borroing money. Near about 80 Lakhs Material was burnt. He had no insurance, which was guuted his entire fortune. Israr Khan told that police was present at a little distance but did not help him. Fire brigade arrived two hours late, while both fire stations are only 2-3 k.m. away from my shop. Israr Khan tried to log an FIR but did not success. SHO told him that he’ll log in riot’s report. Israr has sent his complaint to DCP and other concerned officers by a registred mail, in which he mentioned the BJP worker’s names, no FIRs were registered as yet and no action taken against them.

A resident of 27 block 55 years Guntu Khan from Mansoori community runs his scrap and vessel shops in block 28. His scrap shop burned at 2 AM on 26 Oct. while the vessel’s shop was tried to rob by breaking the locks. He also tried to log an FIR but SHO did not register.

40 Years Meena Devi has been living for 40 year in 27 Block and has a son and two daughters. Son namely Prem Prakash is working as electritioan in Laxmi Nagar and if someone called him for personal electrical problem he also sort out in the area. They did not have any problem in these years. When asked her that has he seen this situation before? After recalling her mind Meena Devi told that in Indra’s time 1984 it happened, after that nothing ever happened. We Hindus and Muslims all live together peacefully.

Munni Devi has been living here since 1980, she sells women’s garment in weekly market. Her husband is a tailor and works in Pandav Nagar. She has a son and three daughters, all are studying in school. She stated that yet we have no problem. All the families are living peaceful here, only this time such quarrels happened. Due to it shops are not being opened and my husband could not work even for 3 days.

We met with some social workers who works for Hindu-Muslims unity. They stated that ‘’we were going to arrang a meeting for both communities. After some time we came to know by someone that meeting will be held in P.S. Trilok Puri. When we reached there duty officer refused to give us any information about it’’.

A resident of block 26 Kanta Mahra has a tea stal outside police station. Mrs Mahra had a Jhuggi in INA New Delhi. During the partition her family had come from Lahor, Pakistan. Her husband Hans Raj Mahra also used to sell the tea here. She stated that after 1984 there was no any problem here, everthing was cool. Due to cufew I was not able to open my tea stal. But when led to starve I opend the shop. At the same place we met a resident of 27 blocks Mr. Paltan who was retired from DESU and has been living here for 35 years. He stated that he is the only Hindu in his street But he did not seem to ever live in the Muslim neighborhood. We use to celebrate each other’s festivals. All muslim brothers participate in our children’s marriges with very heartly. A big tragedy happened in 1984 after that there were little quarrels taken place, but it was not happened even 10-15 years.

There are 80 % Muslims & 20 Hindus in block 15 and one mousque and three 3 temples. Heavy stone pelting reported in this locality and several people were injured. Several Muslims were also arrested from this block. Shabana’s nefew’s Aqika (Birth Ceremoney of a Child after 7 days) canceled due to riots. Police forcefully entered into the house and arrested Bilal (19), Irfan(32), Azhar(19) and Sajid(35 ). They were brutally beaten up by the police due to it Bilal’s finger, Irfan’s hand and Sajid’s ankle got fracture. Further Shabana said that even police did not allow us to meet with them, we met in Tihar Jail and police shown their arresting from block 27.

Block 15 resident Mohammad Shamshad said that I called police 25-30 times but police was not receiving the call. Same block’s another resident Alimuddin belongs to Bulandshar UP, and he is a E-Riksha driver. He was brutally beaten up by the police, due to it the black marks on his body could be seen. He said that many outsider people were throing the stones around his locality and police was standing 100 mtrs away but not coming. When local residents informed the ACP then he came with force.

Block 15 resident Mohammad Akhtar lives with his family and he is a motor machenic. Police arrested him between 2-2.30 pm. Akhtar got injuries in his hand and back. He has four chindren. His wife borroed some monety from someone then went to meet with him. Police has arrested a persone who was not a local resident, he came here to distribute the ceremony cards in their relatives. As the same police arrested Khurshid (60) and his son Jabir(17 a Garment Selesman).

Ramjan Mishra a DESU retired is a resident of block 15, who is known as a Panditji in the locality. When the rioters proceeded to throw stones in their street then he closed the street’s main gate and stood with folded hands in front of rioters and said to violent mob that “hit us first then go ahead”. By doing this Panditji save his street. Now Punditi is the subject of discussion foh his bravry in the locality. When Panditji was asked that he recognizes the rioters then he replied that “all were outsiders (from other blocks)”.

15 Block’s residents say that after surrounding the area rioters were throing the stones and headed by Ashok of 14 blocks. Who is a motor mechanic.

A residence of block 20 Nafisa is a widow. And survives with her children by selling polythene. On 23 Oct. at 8 pm she was coming to her home, at that time stones were thrown due to it she got injured and then her hand was fratured due to brutally beaten up by the police.

Mohammad Mohsin (22) S/o Mohammad Raees lives in block 20 working as motor painter. Mohsin got married 7 months back and time of arresting he was coming from in-law’s home in Meerut. Police did not allow family to meet him. Then they met him in Tihar Jail. Mohsin’s both hand were injured.

20 years Sonu S/0 Khurshid have an agg’s shop. He has been arrested from mousque and brutally beaten up there by the police till unconsciousness. Sonu recently got married and had a reception that time.

A resident of block 20 Wahidan (70) unable to speak clearly. Becouse of her old age she is unable to walk properly. Police forcely entered into her house no 410 and beaten up her and brock the stuffs. When her douther in law tried to resist them, police (5 Male, 3 Female) also beat her again.

Another resident of same block Sangita said that Muslims objected to set up the Chouki. We planned to set up Mata ki Chouki and clean the place so this place remain clean. When garbage was picked up, heavy smell spread. There were bugs in rainy weather. There is a Staue of Bajranbali, Muslims eat buffalos and intentionally throw his shit here to annoy us. Some Muslim women came and said that “if Mata ki Chouki would be put, then we’ll remind you chourasi (Sikh Riots)”. Muslim boys fired three round. In whom two were arrested and one fled. Our street resident Rizwan had drink and meat and he was going to touch our temple and abusing. There was a commotion in block 20 after a verbal spat. He slaped a 15 years boy after that we resist, then his wife came and took him. We called the police, and police made a compromise, but did not register the complaint. Bricks and bottoles were recovered from Roof of the Muslim’s houses, they had the whole planning. We used to off the loudispeaker at the time of their prayer(Namaz). Deepu’s wife got fractured in her hand. When we asked her “how she got hurt?”, she replied ‘at the time of stone pelting she got hurt’. Where were the people’s representatives? Snagita said that Ex. MLA Sunil Vaidh and Ramchandra Gujrati came and helped us. Today (Oct. 31) current AAP’s MLA came, whom we turened around. Sangita and Monu said that from childhood we had been beaten up, and never rised a voice but this time we awoke on Mata ki Chouki issue.

In a video clip near about 300-400 youth are shouting the ‘Bam Bam bhole, Har Har Mahadev, and Balmiki Shakti amar rahe’. These youths were mobilized behind the Balmiki Mandir which is 50 mtrs away from Ex BJP MLA Sunil Vaidh’s home. (There was a hording dispaying a massage about completion of 50 Years of Vishv Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal on 17 Aug. followed by Shobha Yatra from Trilokpuri’s 1 Block to 36 Block.) Sunil Vaidh reached in this violent crowd and hardly stayed 25-30 mnts, at the same time he received a call and talked for 7-8 mnts (Due to lot of noice Sunil Vaidh’s voice was not cleared) and he left.

In another video clip, 150-200 youth(some had Stick put a Tilak on forhead and some had sword in hands) can be seen shouting the slogans ‘Pakistan Murdabad, Pakistan ki Ma ki…..’ and sprinting arrond on the road.

Conclution:

If block 20’s qurrel was not organised then how did it reach in other blocks?
Where were the elected representatives (MPs, MLAs and councelers) ?
What did Sunil Vaidh say to the violent mob in a short time that took ?
27, 15 blocks didn’t indulge in stoning, then where were the actual perpetrators from, and who were they actually?
Why only Muslim’s shops were burnt, if a Muslims mob was instigated by so-called Masjid announcment?
Why did police release the miscreant who started all this by creating a fight in Block 20? Who was behind this release?
Who is Joint Commissioner Rathore, who spoke to Gaurav Talwar’s brother?
What was police doing during the continued arson and why did the fire brigade vehicles reach after two hours?
Why did the police not register FIRs regarding the burnt shops?

National Confederation of Human Rights Organisation

(Delhi State)

Add: N-44- Hilal Homes, 2nd Stage, Ground Floor, Abul Fazal Enclave, Jamia Nagar, New Delhi -110025

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Aligarh Muslim University, Raja Mahendra Pratap and Attempts of Polarization

December 2, 2014 by Ram Puniyani

Those resorting to communal politics have not only perfected their techniques of polarizing the communities along religious lines, but have been constantly resorting to new methods for dividing the society. On the backdrop of Muzzafar nagar, where ‘Love Jihad’ propaganda was used to enhance the divisive agenda, now in Aligarh an icon of matchless virtues, Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh is being employed for the similar purposes.

The attempt by BJP and associates to hold the memorial function in his honor within campus was successfully deflected by the Vice Chancellor of the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) University with the plan for a seminar befitting his contribution to the freedom movement of this AMU alumnus.

BJP dug up this icon from pages of history and gauzing prevalent respect for him after the lapse of decades after his death. The answer to why now at this particular juncture is very revealing. Mahendra Pratap died on 29 April 1979, and now out of the blues BJP seems to have felt that his Jat, Hindu identity can be pitched as a flag of their politics. Pratap was a freedom fighter extraordinary, a journalist and a writer. He was a humanist, believing in International federation of nations transcending the national and religious boundaries. He was a Marxist who called for social reforms and empowerment of Panchayats. He was president of Indian Freedom Fighters’ Association He was also the first one to form the provisional Indian Government in exile by establishing it in Kabul in 1915. Just to recall the Indian National Congress adopted the goal of complete freedom for India much later in its 1929 session. This Provisional Government was called Hakumat-i-Moktar-i-Hind, and was constituted with Pratap as the President, Maulvi Barkatullah as prime minister and Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi as interior minister.

After independence he also participated in the electoral arena where he defeated Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Mathura in the 1957 Lok Sabha election. His commitment to being opposed to communal forces could not be more evident than this opposition of his to the leader of Bhartiya Jansangh, Vajpayee. Ironically same person is being lifted up as the icon, who opposed their politics. BJP leaders like Yogi Adityanath are claiming that had Mahendra Pratap not donated the land the AMU would not have come up. This is contrary to the facts. The predecessor of AMU, Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College was formed in 1886, with a land bought from British cantonment (Nearly 74 Acres) and much later Pratap had leased 3.04 acres of land, this is called Tikonia ground and is used as a playground by the City High School of AMU in 1929. He joined the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College in 1895, but could not complete his graduation. He left MAO College in 1905. MAO became Aligarh Muslim University in 1920, which regards Raja Mahendra Pratap Singh as an alumnus. In 1977, AMU, under V-C Prof A M Khusro, felicitated Mahendra Pratap at the centenary celebrations of MAO.

He wasn’t born when MAO was established, and there is no record of any donation of land from him. Mahendra Pratap’s father Raja Ghanshiam Singh of Mursan had got a hostel room constructed, which continues to stand as Room Number 31 in Sir Syed Hall (South).

BJP demanded that Mahenra Pratap’s birthday should be celebrated as AMU celebrates the birthday of Sir Syed, the founder of the University RSS Functionaries and BJP leaders put pressure on the VC. VC pointed out that AMU cannot celebrate birth day of every donor or alumnus, while recognizing their contribution to the building up of the University. As such already AMU in recognition of Pratap’s contribution to the University has put up his photo in University along with the photo of Sir Syed.

On November 17 (2014), BJP chief of UP Mr. Laxmikant Bajpai and general secretary Swatantra Dev Singh visited Aligarh and directed their district unit to celebrate the birth day of Mahendra Pratap’s within the MU campus. The raja is a also Jat icon, In popular perception AMU is seen as a Muslim institution. The Jat-Muslim conflict instigated by communal forces, which erupted in the form of violence in Muzaffarnagar continues to affect in western part of UP. The BJP through its machinations allegedly wants to restore the glory of a Jat ‘king’. As such the idea is to appropriate one more of icons and in the process if the state government puts curbs on the celebration, the BJP can benefit by accusing the state Government of “Muslim appeasement”.

As the matters stand VC, Gen. Shah’s suggestion of celebrating the birth anniversary of Raja Mahendra Pratap by organizing a seminar on his contribution to freedom movement of India is a welcome initiative. The situation seems to have been diffused for the time being. BJP had planned a rally outside the gate of AMU, which would have precipitated the unwarranted incidents.

This whole episode has many lessons for the society. To begin with, the national icons are being modulated to suit the interests of communal politics. Be it Sardar patel, Swami Vivekanand, Mahatma Gandhi or in this case Raja Mahendra Pratap, they are being presented in the light which suits the communal politics. In case of Mahedra Pratap, who was a Marxist internationalist; is being presented as a mere Jat leader. He was a person who opposed the politics in the name of religion, as is evident by his electoral fight against BJP’s previous avatar, Bhartiya Jan Sanghs’ Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Secondly BJP associates are manipulating people’s identity as primarily being religious identity, Hindu or Muslim. In case of Muzzafarnagar, the Jats who were instigated in the name of ‘love Jihad’ came to stand more for Hindu identity. This identity is then made to stand opposed to the ‘other’ religious identity in particular, the Muslim identity and sometimes Christian identity. Same game is also being experimented in parts of Delhi, where Dalits are being made to pitch against Muslims, in a way two deprived communities being made to fight for’ their’ religion’ on the pretext of some issues related to faith.

The communal politics not only manipulates the identity of the people but also that of the icons, as is clear in the case of Raja Mahendra Pratap. The third major lesson for society to learn is that the search is on to find more and more issues to pitch one religious community against the other to strengthen the politics of a particular type. While the top leadership will talk of moratorium on violence, the associates of the same leadership will stoke the processes which will lead to the process of violence in due course.

A great amount of restraint is needed to ensure that we learn the values of the icons, e.g. the likes of Mahendra Pratap teach us the basic lessons of love and amity, peace and universal humanism. To use the techniques of conflicting religious identities is a gross violation of human morality, irrespective of the religion in whose name it is done.

Communal tension grips Kalol town after midnight clash

December 2, 2014 by Nasheman

Representational Image

Vadodara/Indian Express: Communal tension gripped Kalol town, situated around twenty kilometres from Godhra, after two Muslim youths were allegedly beaten up by a group of five Hindu youth who objected to their participation in a Hindu marriage late Sunday night.

The victims, Rafiq Jarodia and Shahid Morza, along with complainant Wasim Sheikh had gone to attend the ceremony of a friend, Bhavdipsinh Sisodia on invitation.

One of the invitees, Sunny Joshi saw them and objected to their participation in a “Hindu marriage” and asked them to leave. According to the FIR, n ot long after the marriage procession arrived at the Kalol college compound, the Muslim boys left the venue and were walking towards parking lot.

As they were preparing to leave, they were chased and rounded up by five persons named in the FIR – Sunny Joshi, Sandip Tadvi, Dipesh, Parth Kanojia and Akshay Soni. Rafiq and Shahid were allegedly beaten up with iron rod and bricks by fhe accused around mid night onSunday, who allegedly said they disliked Muslims participating in Hindu marriage, FIR filed at Kalol police station stated.

One of the two had to be admitted to a private hospital. The injured was later referred to the civil hospital in Vadodara.

Upon hearing of the incident, hundreds of Muslims from around Kalol gathered near the bus stand to mark their protest, upon which police teams from Godhra had to be rushed to take situation under control. “The matter was soon brought under control and Muslims were dispersed. The situation is under control,” police said.

Two persons have been arrested in this connection and police are looking for other accused in the FIR. They have been booked under sections 143, 147, 149, 307, 504, and 507 (2) of IPC and section 135 of GP Act, police said. EoM.

Dear PM, Save Our Colleges From Communal Agendas

December 1, 2014 by Nasheman

by Rana Ayyub

My father, a noted writer from the field of Urdu literature, like many of his friends from the Progressive writers movement, found in his alma mater Aligarh Muslim University, the courage to break the barriers of religion enforced stereotypes. He forced his wife, my mother, who was raised in a conservative family of zamindars from Uttar Pradesh to pursue her education post marriage and give up all ominous practices of subjugation.

Among the first few books my mother was gifted besides Maxim Gorky’s ‘Mother’ were on Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, the founder of AMU, and Sultan Shahjahan Begum, the first female ruler who vehemently worked for the promotion of education amongst women and Muslims in particular.

Shahjahan Begum, also referred to as the Begum of Bhopal, was the first Vice-Chancellor of the Aligarh Muslim University which gave India some of its best known luminaries from the field of politics, art, literature. AMU alumni include former Presidents of India and current Vice President Hamid Ansari, who also served a term as the Vice Chancellor of the university.

Some of the most prolific writers and thinkers with affiliation to the Marxist philosophy owe their careers to AMU. One such figure was Raja Mahendra Pratap, an admirer of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, who started the Mohammad Anglo Oriental College after successfully completing his education from Oxford and Cambridge.

With the dominance of religious education in the lives of Muslims, who were in the lowest rung of socio-economic progress, Sir Syed understood that religious studies from Madrassas did not give the less privileged a window into the world; for them to succeed, there was a dire need for a platform which helped them with a contemporary understanding of religion, philosophy and science.

While the University was started with the intent of providing modern education to Muslims, non-Muslims were welcomed. It was for this reason that many Hindu rulers of the time sent their children to the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College spread over 468 hectares of land which was later renamed the Aligarh Muslim University.

So impressed was Raja Mahendra Pratap with the vision of Sir Syed that he decided to lease 3.04 acres of land to the AMU in 1929. Though it was a small share, this helped forge a strong bond between Hindus and Muslims. His commitment to the social cause and his zeal for the Marxist thought was such that Lenin himself is said to have invited him to Russia post the success of the Bolshevik revolution.

An independent MP from Mathura from the year 1955 to 1962, and a freedom fighter with a desire to weed out communal thinking, Mahendra Pratap despised all form of right-wing indoctrination. Little did he realize that one day his name would be used by right-wing leaders to turn an educational institute he so admired into a ground for religious polarisation.

Satish Gautam, BJP MP from Aligarh, whose party has professed commitment to ushering in a new era of development and inclusive growth, has decided to use AMU to instigate communal politics between Jats and Muslims, both communities being the main constituents of Aligarh.

Satish Gautam, a popular figure amongst Jats, possibly realises that the last time the two communities were provoked in Muzaffarnagar, it earned rich political dividends for his party. But in his overzealous endeavour to use AMU, he has conveniently forgotten to state some very important facts to his followers.

It would be judicious on the part of Satish Gautam, who has threatened to hold a rally at the gates of the AMU on the birth anniversary of Raja Mahendra Pratap on the 1st of December to list for his followers some of the most revolutionary non-Muslim thinkers from AMU. Before and during the freedom movement, both Muslim and Hindu kings and rulers united against the British and helped each other – these included funding educational institutions. AMU and the famous Banaras Hindu university were the two icons of this educational uprising that received patronage from both the communities.

Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, the founder of the Banaras Hindu University, had no qualms about accepting funds from Muslim rulers and elites.

If one were to accept the BJP MP’s logic, then each and every person who leased land for the 468 hectares of AMU will have to be celebrated just like each and every donor of BHU and thousands of other educational institutes in India.

Would the BJP MP not do a great service to the iconic institution by asking it to celebrate the birth anniversary of social reformer Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who was one of the main influences on Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, or guide the non-Muslim students of Aligarh to the plaque of historian Ishwar Prasad, who belonged to the first batch of graduates from the AMU?

The Vice Chancellor of the Aligarh Muslim University has written to the Education Minister Smriti Irani stating that the BJP’s decision to hold a rally would provoke communal tension; he has said the university is willing to diffuse the tension by holding a seminar on Raja Mahendra in the future. Smriti Irani displayed her feminist side by speaking out against the VC’s alleged decision to not allow female undergraduate students into the Central library – she called it an “insult to the daughters of the country.”

Now she should take the first step in saving the legacy of the likes of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya by weeding out the rogue elements who threaten to target educational institutions.

In the last few months, there seems to have been a meticulous plan to target educational bodies by fringe elements by planting fictitious stories and dividing them on religious lines. On this particular occasion, it would be wise for the powers that be to not allow local Samajwadi Party and BJP leaders to target the sacrosanct for a communal or political agenda. Both the HRD Minister and the Prime Minister, who has held education as one of the key areas of development in his agenda, should step forward to save the legacy of the great reformists from being converted into a communal experiment.

Rana Ayyub is an award-winning investigative journalist and political writer. She is working on a book on Prime Minister Narendra Modi which will be published in 2015.

Yale University scholars 'warn' Congress: There has been 0.8% rise in BJP vote share following every riot

November 20, 2014 by Nasheman

by Counterview

In what may prove to a stern warning to those in the Congress party who have come to believe following the recent debacle in the Lok Sabha polls that stressing too much fighting against communal violence may erode their majority Hindu voter base, a recent Yale University research of Indian electoral data, titled “Do parties matter for ethnic violence? Evidence from India”, has reached the drastic conclusion that rise in religious violence in India is a sure sign of the country’s shift away from democracy. Authored by Gareth Nellis, Michael Weaver and Steven Rosenzweig, the scholars base their analysis of assembly election outcomes spread over several decades in 16 major Indian states.

The scholars say, the outbreak of internal religious or ethnic strife in any country is associated with a corresponding 8.5 per cent point decline in a country’s Polity IV Score – a data analysis method used in political science to assess a country’s level of democracy based on evaluation of elections, competitiveness and openness, the nature of political participation in general, and the extent of checks on executive authority. Strife also leads to five per cent point rise in the likelihood of a coup d’etat, the scholars add, indicating, this is what may be happening in India, too.

Insisting that “ethnic-group conflict is among the most serious threats facing young democracies”, the scholars, citing the instance of the Congress and other secular parties, however, say, “A politician hailing from a party relying on a large base of minority support and having a distinctive reputation for curbing ethnic conflict might devote extra effort and resources toward stemming ethnic disorder when in office.” Conversely, they add, “In settings where bureaucratic and police institutions are weak, party systems are volatile, clientelist strategies of voter mobilization predominate over programmatic appeals.”

Emphasising that “Hindu-Muslim violence tends to polarize the electorate along religious lines, bolstering support for majoritarian Hindu candidates and diminishing support for Congress ones”, the scholars seek to prove this on the basis of analysis of electoral outcomes of Congress candidates who won or lost by less than one per cent votes against a non-Congress candidate. They underline, “A full increase in Congress seat share (from zero to 100 per cent) in a district produces an 87 per cent reduction in the number of riots occurring in that election cycle and a 40 percentage point decrease in the probability of that district experiencing any riot at all.”

The scholars say, the impact of Congress incumbency on riots is “strikingly large”, adding, by way of example, “Between 1962 and 2000, the 315 districts witnessed a total of 998 riots. Our estimates suggest that had Congress won every close election that occurred in this sample, India would have seen 106 (10 percent) fewer riots.” Conversely, had Congress lost all close elections, “we predict that India would have seen 120, or 10 percent, more riots. This exercise illustrates the substantial role that Congress MLAs have played in stemming local Hindu-Muslim conflict in India.”

In fact, the scholars say, while “incumbency by Congress MLAs reduced Hindu-Muslim riots in Indian districts”, Muslims, who have been historically core Congress supporters, suffered “disproportionately from communal violence.” They add, “For a Congress MLA, disappointing local Muslim voters by failing to be proactive on this issue could therefore hinder her chances of re-election.” Hence, “having a greater concentration of Muslims in a district encouraged Congress MLAs to do more to inhibit rioting…” In fact, “Congress’ strong links to Muslim voters led the party’s MLAs to expend extra effort in reducing riots when in office.”

Comparing this with the Bharatiya Janata Party and its predecessor Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJP/BJS), the scholars say, “The BJS/BJP saw a 0.8 per cent point increase in their vote share following a riot in the year prior to an election. This suggests that the electoral costs to Congress may indeed be due to polarization. Meanwhile, if Congress is held more accountable for riots because it owns the issue of preserving communal harmony, we should expect to see Congress punished more for riots that break out when its MLAs hold office in a district.”

The scholars conclude, “According to our most conservative estimates, the election of a single Congress MLA in a district brought about a 32 percent reduction in the probability of a riot breaking out prior to the next election. Simulations reveal that had Congress candidates lost all close elections in our dataset, India would have witnessed 10 percent more riots and thousands more riot casualties. The pacifying effect of Congress incumbency appears to be driven by local electoral considerations, in particular the party’s exceptionally strong linkages to Muslim voters”.

The states analyzed are Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal.

The research use secondary historical sources to compile a list of all parties that formed state governments in India between 1961 and 2008. This list included the party of the Chief Minister as well as any other parties in coalition governments. It uses the Wilkinson-Varshney database of Hindu- Muslim riots (1950-95), updated by in 2014 by Anirban Mitra and Debraj Ray.

IAMC Report exposes roots of atrocities against Muslims in Assam, urges action to prevent ethnic cleansing

November 10, 2014 by Nasheman

Photo: Anupam Nath/AP

The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), an advocacy group dedicated to safeguarding India’s pluralist and tolerant ethos, has released a report that exposes the roots of the mass violence in Assam in 2012 and 2014, in which hundreds of lives have been lost and over a half million people were displaced. The report titled “Rationalizing Ethnic Cleansing in Assam,” is based on data provided by human rights activists in Assam, media reports, eyewitness accounts as well as testimonies of scores of victims, many of which have been recorded.

The report documents the state complicity behind sustained violence against an ethnic and religious minority. The report also exposes the myth about Assamese Muslims being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, a canard that is all too often used to “contextualize,” the barbaric ethnic cleansing of impoverished Muslim villagers.

“The political patronage provided to armed militant groups that have spearheaded massacres at regular intervals since 1993, and the hateful rhetoric of xenophobic Hindutva groups, is at the root of the campaign to bring about demographic changes in Assam through violence and intimidation,” said Mr. Ahsan Khan, President of IAMC. “The gravity of the situation in Assam can be gauged from the fact that the state has failed to provide adequate relief or create an atmosphere conducive to the return of the thousands who were displaced from their homes during the mass violence,” added Mr. Khan.

The report includes wide-ranging recommendations to bring about reconciliation between Muslims and ethnic Bodos. An important step in this direction would be a Special Investigative Team (SIT) constituted by the Supreme Court to assess proper investigation of the crimes committed, and a prosecution of the perpetrators, including their political patrons. A lasting solution to the crisis can only be possible if Constitutional guarantees of life and liberty are ensured, and members of all communities have equal access to economic opportunities and political political power. In addition, the internally displaced should be assisted in returning to their homes to avoid repeat of this occurrence. Long term stability and development of the region will remain a distant dream unless govt takes serious action to prevent social discord. The fact that even the groups that have surrendered have been allowed to retain arms is a critical impediment in the political process towards a lasting solution.

Indian-American Muslim Council (formerly Indian Muslim Council-USA) is the largest advocacy organization of Indian Muslims in the United States with 15 chapters across the nation.

Executive Summary

The Indian State of Assam has witnessed mass violence against minorities, particularly Muslims several times in the last few decades. The area known as Bodo Territorial Administered Districts (BTAD), as well as surrounding areas in western Assam is inhabited by Muslims as well as Bodo tribals. Ethnic rivalry between these two communities has been the primary cause of mass violence against the Muslim citizens of Assam, resulting in hundreds of deaths and the displacement of over half a million inhabitants of the state.

The right to life and security, a fundamental human right guaranteed by the Indian Constitution, has been denied to countless people of Assam, due to the failure of the state polity and law enforcement to protect the Muslim citizens of the state. In many instances, the complicity of the Relief measures have been remarkably insufficient to deal with the magnitude of the humanitarian crisis, and devoid of the need to protect the dignity of the victims.

This report covers the wider context behind the violence in Assam and the motives behind the persecution of the state’s Muslim population. It also explores the mechanisms of such persecution, including the false characterization of Muslims in western Assam as “illegal immigrants” from Bangladesh. Such mischaracterization has been disseminated systematically in order to whip up sectarian tensions, often times with the complicity of sections the media.

The relief camps setup to shelter the survivors have been rocked by human trafficking, sexual exploitation of young children and women, and elderly abuse. These crimes against the hapless victims continue with impunity with virtually no consequences for the perpetrators.

Appropriate judicial intervention is urgently needed to investigate the mass violence, and crimes against humanity committed against Assam’s Muslim population. The state must provide adequate relief measures for the hundreds of thousands who have lost their property and livelihood.

The state must also ensure that all citizens, regardless of religious or ethnic affiliation, have equal access to opportunities and political power. There cannot be any democratic or constitutional basis for the reservation of 75% of seats in a legislature of a specially administered region for a particular group which barely constitutes 33% of the population. Allowing various militant groups to bear arms even after they have surrendered has exacerbated the problem in the absence of an effective strategy for counterinsurgency.

Read the complete report here:

References:

IAMC Report on ethnic cleansing in Assam
http://iamc.com/reports/ethnic-cleansing-in-assam/

Are Held and Curfew Is Imposed After Attacks on Muslims in India
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/04/world/asia/militants-kill-dozens-of-muslims-in-northeastern-india-police-say.html?_r=1

6 more bodies found, Assam toll rises to 43
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/6-more-bodies-found-assam-toll-rises-to-43/article1-1216636.aspx

Assam violence, nine key demands of civil organizations
http://www.indiatomorrow.net/eng/assam-violence-nine-key-demands-of-civil-organizations

Violence in Assam Has Pan-India Implications
http://thediplomat.com/2014/05/violence-in-assam-has-pan-india-implications/

India election 2014: Assam Muslims attacked for who they voted for
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-27305178

Erosion, not immigration, driving Assam violence
http://www.business-standard.com/article/elections-2014/erosion-not-immigration-driving-assam-violence-114051500259_1.html

Miscreants attack Masjid at SEZ colony in Mangaluru

November 7, 2014 by Nasheman

Mangaluru: In an apparent attempt to disturb communally harmony, unidentified miscreants have attacked a Masjid on the outskirts of the city.

Badriya Jumma Masjid located at Special Economic Zone Colony at Kodikere near Baikampady Industrial Area, came under attack for the second time in one year.

Two windows of the Masjid were damaged following stone-throwing in the intervening night of Wednesday and Thursday.

A woman reportedly saw two motorcycle-borne men riding away after allegedly throwing two stones at the west side of the Masjid.

The two men could not be identified because they were wearing helmets.

The police said that this Masjid was at an isolated place, which was about 4 km away from the Baikampady Industrial Area. Efforts are on to trace the culprits, they said.

B. S. Husain, the president of the management committee of the Masjid, has filed a complaint at Panambur police station.

In the earlier incident in June 2013, glass-panes on windows had similarly been damaged. Mr. Husain pointed out that not taking action against culprits, who had attacked the same Masjid last year, has lead them to commit the second attack.

The police are investigating the case.

Statement on the recent communal disturbances in Trilokpuri

November 5, 2014 by Nasheman

by People’s Alliance for Democracy and Secularism (P.A.D.S)

(Members of P.A.D.S. have been interacting with and visiting residents of Trilokpuri ever since the communal disturbances started on Oct 23. Along with many other citizens we are involved in efforts to re-establish peace and in providing legal aid to those wrongfully arrested. This statement is based on our experiences.)

The inhabitants of Trilokpuri, a densely populated neighbourhood of working people in Delhi, went through a harrowing week after Diwali night on 23 October. A brawl around two places of worship that night proved to be the first event. Although the situation appears to have settled down that night, some motivated planning and mobilisation must have taken place that night itself, because the next day it was a full scale communal clash. Armed mobs from outside the locality are reported to have joined the rioting that involved brick throwing. Firearms were also used and two boys suffered critical bullet injuries. Inhabitants are emphatic that the police fired into the crowd. The police first denied firing at all. Its latest claim is that it fired only in self defense. One apparel show room owned by a Muslim resident was gutted. Police intervened in force only two days after the clashes started. It turned the neighbourhood into an occupied war-zone. More than fifty men and minor boys were arrested randomly, many picked up forcibly from their houses amid verbal abuse and physical violence. Road intersections were barricaded and entry and exit points were closely monitored. Drones were used in surveillance and houses systematically searched. Essential supplies were in short supply. Daily wage earners, contract workers, and self employed who could not go out lost their source of livelihood. Seriously wounded and ill had no access to medical aid. While the entire neighbourhood suffered in one form or another, inhabitants of three blocks in particular, nos 15, 27 and 28, and attached jhuggi clusters, mainly occupied by citizens who are Muslims bore the brunt of police action.

All this happened at a distance of less than ten kilometers as the crow flies from the center of state power in India’s capital. National elections five months ago were won by Mr Narendra Modi who projected a ‘strong man’ image and promised that he would provide ‘achhe din’ of decisive and effective governance. In reality, the face of the Indian state in Trilokpuri these days is ugly. First, institutions of the state, its police, bureaucracy, and all political parties associated with it failed to prevent a localised scuffle from flaring into a violent riot. And second, when the state did show up, only its authoritarian jack boots were seen on the ground. It further terrorised people already battered by rioting and public violence. It did not take any steps to initiate dialogue between affected communities, and provided no relief or medical aid. Its social institutions like schools, anganwadis, health centers, or the police organised peace committee, etc. simply collapsed. Three fourths of the arrested people are Muslim citizens. Some of them are migrant workers. Arrested people were abused and beaten up while in police lock up. Many of them had visible injuries when presented in front of a Magistrate in the Karkardooma court on 26th October. They were not provided any medical aid or food for nearly two days.

The Trilokpuri neighbourhood has a traumatic past. It was established in the mid seventies of the last century during Emergency. It is a so-called resettlement colony, in which people forcibly displaced from inner city were settled and given land titles. The displacement and settlement process was often violent. The most gruesome massacres of Sikh citizens in Delhi in 1984 took place in Trilokpuri and neighbouring Kalyanpuri. Despite the fast economic growth and massive urbanization in the past two decades in India, settlement patterns in cities continue to be segregated by religion. Most of Trilokpuri is inhabited by Balmikis, a scheduled caste, classified as untouchables in the orthodox Hindu varna order. After the Sikhs migrated out, Muslims are the other community, who are concentrated mainly to three out of thirty blocks. Recent migrants in search of work form a significant part of the population. They are also settling along community lines. The twenty five square yard plots originally alloted have now risen to three-four storey pucca structures, providing a decent rental income to original owners. There are also occasional cars parked in narrow streets. The little prosperity that has trickled into this neighbourhood has however not brought secure peace. Residents often complain of brawls and other forms of every day violence. The area reportedly also suffers from petty crime syndicates operating under police protection. Nevertheless, for thirty years since 1984, the neighbourhood escaped communal violence. Even the weeks following demolition of Babri mosque in 1992 passed peacefully.

Recent events in Trilokpuri reveal the character of Indian society and state that do not portend well at all. All experiments in Fascism, that involved selective violence against minorities to consolidate a nation, have relied upon mass support. The India of 2014 can not be said to be impervious to such schemes. The political success of BJP in the national elections has emboldened Hindutva elements to openly target religious minorities and mobilise aggressively around sectarian demands. The ex-MLA from the BJP is reported to be part of the communal organising in Trilokpuri. Communal polarisation is proving to be a successful electoral strategy for the BJP. It is exploiting economic, political, gender and caste anxieties in a fast changing society which has not developed a strong popular democratic consciousness. The tragedy of politics at the moment in India is that none of the competitors of the BJP have a clue about how to counter its dangerous mix of religion and politics with a leader enjoying mass support. The Aam Aadmi Party in Delhi had succeeded in getting the support of Muslim and Dalit voters in the last assembly elections and currently holds the Trilokpuri seat, but it is afraid to come out publicly against communal violence lest it disturbs its electoral calculations. Congress is in severe decline and absent from the scene. No mainstream political party in India has had the wisdom and ideological clarity to realise that treating society in terms of the majority- minority framework actually validates communal agenda, and that the counter to communalisation of politics is an unequivocal assertion of citizenship rights of every one.

It is also obvious that the Indian state, while seemingly democratic in some aspects, is also undemocratic in some fundamental ways. It does not consider the protection of democratic rights of its citizens as its prime responsibility. It regularly attacks rights of the poor and socially marginal, which at present also include religious minorities. Indian state still follows the colonial authoritarian policy of treating moments of deep social strife like riots as a ‘law and order’ issue, and its first action is to enforce its brutal authority over people, rather than help the victims. Further, over time the Indian state institutions have been communalised. None of the victims of communal riots in India, including the most gruesome ones, of 1984 in Delhi, 1992-3 in Mumbai and 2002 in Gujarat have received justice. Commission after commission on riots in India have found the police and administration to be authoritarian and partisan. Yet, if nothing has changed, there obviously are powerful social and political forces that wish to use this character of Indian state for their own ends.

The social ideological environment of neoliberalism has encouraged religiosity and public assertion of religious identities, while weakening mass based mobilisations against oppression and exploitation. This is happening in all communities. Right wing political forces claiming to represent specific religious communities are using the opportunity to develop new kinds of aggressive religious practices that lead to social strife and communalise the society. This is a new challenge which democratic and secular forces have to contend with. Barring a few exceptions, the media in the capital has played a partisan role during recent developments in Trilokpuri. English language newspapers and TV channels that cater essentially to consumerist aspirations of urban propertied and professionals have spread the police version of rioting, which blames Muslim residents of the neighbourhood. They are more interested in sustaining a consumerist utopia unencumbered by social disturbances, rather showing the sufferings of the marginal and the physical abuse of people arrested by the police. Many residents of Trilokpuri work as maids, drivers, security guards and provide other services to the upper middle class residents of neighbouring Mayur Vihar. Yet life in the latter went on as usual.

P.A.D.S. appeals to the citizens of Delhi to disregard aggressive sectarian demands, provocations and rumours by communal forces and defeat their plans to communalise society. Secularism of the state and society is necessary for everyone, believers of different religions and non-believers, to lead a peaceful life without discrimination and persecution. Before succumbing to calls for their so-called ‘community’ interests all citizens should ponder over what kind of society they wish to live in. The one based on hatred, religious discrimination, national chauvinism, or the one which is inclusive and respects citizenship rights of everyone. We appeal to the working people of the city, who constitute the overwhelming majority of its population, to organise and fight together against their economic exploitation, caste oppression, price rise, police extortion, and deplorable condition of public services like hospitals, schools, and transport, rather than against each other.

P.A.D.S. demands following from Delhi state administration.

All administrative and police officials who failed in their duty to prevent rioting, made random and wrongful arrests, and physically abused citizens should be punished.
All residents who suffered physical injury, mental trauma, wrongful arrest and loss of livelihood and property during riots and subsequent police occupation of the neighbourhood should be adequately compensated.
All citizens arrested should be granted immediate bail. Cases against those arrested wrongfully withdrawn immediately, and other cases settled expeditiously so that arrested people and their families can lead a normal life as soon as possible.
A judicial commission of inquiry should be constituted immediately to find out culpability of state administration, and of the political leadership of any party in fanning the communal violence.
The ‘official’ peace committee established by the police has proved completely ineffective. It should be revamped and representatives of the organisations working in the area should be included in it. Its meetings should be held regularly and publicly.
Many areas in Delhi are potential flash points for communal violence. There are many reports of aggressive sectarian demands made by ‘panchayats’ and ‘mahapanchayats’. All those making illegal demands and spreading false propaganda about others should be dealt with firmly, so that citizens of other parts of the city do not suffer what Trilokpuri residents are going through.

Communal tension and violence in different parts of Delhi – Citizens letter to the National Commission for Minorities

November 4, 2014 by Nasheman

New Delhi: A delegation of social activists, citizens and academics met the National Commission for Minorities regarding the communally volatile situation which is developing in and around various resettlement colonies across Delhi.

The following representation was submitted to the NCM and later to Police Commissioner’s office and LG’s office.

The Chairperson
National Commission for Minorities
The Police Commissioner
The Lieutenant Governor
Delhi
November 3, 2014

Dear Sir,

We are writing to you to communicate our concern regarding recent spate of communal tension and violence in different areas and the rising sense of insecurity in the Muslim community of Delhi. At several instances, organized campaigns have been taken to spread hatred and create tension centering religious festivals. Trilokpuri riot is the latest instance of such violence. Since 1st November we are getting news of communal tension being created in Bawana. Several of us have communicated our concern regarding that to concerned authorities. Here we would like to point out these concerns as well as our appeal for proper steps to be taken in that context-

A mahapanchayat was held in Bawana on the eve of Mohurram on 2nd November with a clear intent to create communal tension and polarize communities on religious lines. The Mahapanchayat didn’t have permission from any authority. The administration allowed it to happen in spite of several requests to stop it.
In the above mentioned Mahapanchyat threatening language was used and it was announced that Tazia procession during Mohurram should not be allowed to happen.
Muslim community in Bawana is under tremendous pressure and is feeling threatened.
We have information that the leaders from the ruling party at the Centre are working in tandem with the organizers of the Mahapanchyat.
The unlawful nature of this whole campaign against Muslims is evident from the poster announcing the Mahapanchayat which has been used to mobilize people for the same.
There are reports of communal tension from Nandnagri, Majnu ka Tilla and Timarpur while the wounds of Trilokpuri are yet to be healed.
In the context of Trilokpuri, the role of the police has raised several questions. Initially, the lack of action from the police emboldened the rioters to unleash violence. When the police acted, rather than arresting well known instigators of the riot, the police has arrested people and filed FIRs arbitrarily. It is also a matter of concern that most of the arrested people belong to the minority community. We have also reports of police brutality on the arrested people in Mayur Vihar police station. Those who are arrested right now are in Tihar Jail ( Jail no 8). We have come to know from the relatives of the arrested persons that several of them who are injured because of the police brutality in Mayur Vihar police station are not getting proper medical treatment. This is a request to you to ensure that all the arbitrary FIRs are cancelled, proper medical facility is given to those imprisoned in Tihar jail and action is initiated on those Police personals that are responsible for violence on arrested persons.

In view of the above mentioned events and facts, we would request you to kindly ensure that organizations and individuals indulging in communal mobilization are restricted and proper vigilance and security is in place and the religious rights of Muslims are safe guarded.

We would like to point out that in the wake of communal tension in Trilokpuri, Muslim community faced violence and arbitrary arrest at the hand of police. It is important that the trust of the members of minority community over administration is not shaken further.

We are also attaching the poster announcing the Mahapanchyat and recordings of speeches spreading communal hatred in Bawana along with this letter.

Thanking You,
Yours sincerely

On behalf of:

Devendra Bharti, Dhruv Sangari, Kiran Shaheen, Mohd Aamir, Naveen Chander, Nayan Jyoti, Om Prasad, Onkar Mittal, Ovais Sultan Khan, Prof Apoorvanand, Rakhi Gupta, Shabnam Hashmi, Subhashini, Sucheta De, Viren Lobo

Doctoring history for political goals: Origin of Caste system in India

November 4, 2014 by Ram Puniyani

Photo: Carol Mitchell

Caste hierarchy is the major obstacle to the goal of social justice and it continues to be a major obstacle to social progress even today. There are many a theories, which have tried to understand its origin. The latest in the series is the attempt of RSS to show its genesis due to invasion of Muslim kings. Three books written by RSS ideologues argue that Islamic atrocities during medieval period resulted in emergence of untouchables and low castes. The books are “Hindu Charmakar Jati”, “Hindu Khatik Jati” and “Hindu Valmiki Jati”.

The Sangh leaders claimed that these castes had come into existence due to atrocities by foreign invaders and did not exist in Hindu religion earlier. According to Bhaiyyaji Joshi, number two in RSS hierarchy, ’shudras’ were never untouchables in Hindu scriptures. ’Islamic atrocities’ during the medieval age resulted in the emergence of untouchables, Dalits. Joshi further elaborated, “To violate Hindu swabhiman (dignity) of Chanwarvanshiya Kshatriyas, foreign invaders from Arab, Muslim rulers and beef-eaters, forced them to do abominable works like killing cows, skinning them and throwing their carcasses in deserted places. Foreign invaders thus created a caste of charma-karma (dealing with skin) by giving such works as punishment to proud Hindu prisoners.”

The truth is contrary to this. The foundations of the caste system are very old and untouchability came as an accompaniment of the caste system. The Aryans considered themselves superior, they called non-Aryans krshna varnya (dark skinned), anasa (those with no nose), and since non-Aryans worshipped the phallus, they were considered non-human or amanushya. (Rig Veda: X.22.9) There are quotes in the Rig Veda and Manusmriti to show that low castes were prohibited from coming close to the high castes and they were to live outside the village. While this does not imply that a full-fledged caste system had come into being in Rig Vedic times, the four-fold division of society into varnas did exist, which became a fairly rigid caste system by the time of the Manusmriti.

Untouchability became the accompaniment of the caste system sometime around the first century ad. The Manusmriti, written in the second–third centuries ad, codifies the existing practices which show with utmost clarity the type of despicable social practices that the oppressor castes were imposing upon the oppressed castes. The first major incursions of Muslim invaders into India began around the eleventh century ad, and the European conquests of India began in the seventeenth–eighteenth centuries.

Over time, the caste system became hereditary. The rules for social intercourse as well as establishing marriage relations were laid down by the caste system. Caste hierarchies also became rigid over time. The shudras began to be excluded from caste society, and ‘upper’ castes were barred from inter-dining or inter-marrying with them. Notions of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ were enforced strictly to maintain caste boundaries. Shudras became ‘untouchables’. It is this rigid social division that Manu’s Manav Dharmashastra (Human Law Code) codified.

Golwalkar, the major ideologue of RSS ideology defended it in a different way, ‘If a developed society realizes that the existing differences are due to the scientific social structure and that they indicate the different limbs of body social, the diversity (i.e. caste system, added) would not be construed as a blemish.’ (Organiser, 1 December 1952, p. 7) Deendayal Upadhyaya, another major ideologue of Sangh Parivar stated, ‘In our concept of four castes (varnas), they are thought of as different limbs of virat purush (the primeval man)… These limbs are not only complimentary to one another but even further there is individuality, unity. There is a complete identity of interests, identity, belonging… If this idea is not kept alive, the caste; instead of being complimentary can produce conflict. But then that is a distortion.’ (D. Upadhyaya, Integral Humanism, New Delhi, Bharatiya Jansangh, 1965, p. 43)

Social struggles to oppose this system and the struggles to escape the tyrannies of caste system are presented by Ambedkar as revolution and counter-revolution. He divides the ‘pre-Muslim’ period into three stages: (a) Brahmanism (the Vedic period); (b) Buddhism, connected with rise of first Magadh-Maurya states and representing the revolutionary denial of caste inequalities; and (c) ‘Hinduism’, or the counter revolution which consolidated brahman dominance and the caste hierarchy.

Much before the invasion of Muslim kings, shudras were treated as untouchables and were the most oppressed and exploited sections of society. The rigidity and cruelty of the caste system and untouchability became very intense from the post-Vedic to Gupta period. Later, new social movements like Bhakti, directly, and Sufi, indirectly, partly reduced the intensity of the caste oppression and untouchability. This doctoring of the history by Sangh ideologues is motivated by their political agenda and tries to hide the truth.